文化有根 創意是伴 Bridging Creativity
超越叙事厭倦&焦慮·體驗 4.0 的技藝基礎
創作人怎麼訴說呢?假如他是一位設計家,就用他的設計訴說吧。
設計家的想法都在的設計裏。
是存在主義大師薩特說的吧,“存在先于本質”。這是很自然的事對不對?
一個人不存在,也就没法子說什麼本質了。存在是什麼?
心頭的覺知而已;有覺知有領悟,才可能開始和世界互動、對话。
人真的很孤獨,在設計的概念前,人更是孤獨;
你能問人說:這條線粗些好還是细些好?這用红色好還是籃色好?
如果事事都有答案,創作者的東西怎麼称得上創作,那東西早存在了。所以,創作不外是克服个人的孤獨。
包括和随着創作而来的荒谬感、無盡的苦悶、悲觀、失望和諧共處。
和谐,在這裏也不是没有衝突的意思,而是在衝突後有和解的可能。
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Introduction: the experience economy
The experience economy dominates the philosophy of tourism: it permeates how we engage with
tourism and how we consume tourism. The literature tells us that tourists want to encounter a wholerange of experiences such as holidays abroad, cultural events, fine dining or cutting-edge leisure activities (Pine and Gilmore, 2011). They want to enrich their daily lives by experiencing new things and undertaking activities that deliver self-improvement, enjoyment and revitalisation. Sampling new, unique and aspirational experiences provides consumers with the opportunity to develop new skills, acquires new knowledge and thus boosts their share of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 2000).
The desire to collect “stories” underpins so many of our consumption choices: new experiences are
sought in order to build memories, identities and stores of social capital. Hence, consumers can be
seen as the experience seekers. Indeed, social media has become a living journal and portfolio of ourdaily lives, which naturally increases the demand for experiences to fuel our online story platforms.
Snapchat and Instagram stories allow consumers to display a constant stream of experiences,
where the mundane or everyday sits comfortably with more glossy, performative content. Here,
shareability and good storyfodder is worth more than any material value. From beautifully presented restaurant meals to music concerts often the sharing of every moment with friends and followers appears to overtake living in the moment itself. Alongside this, rising access to those items once seen as luxuries has encouraged many to place a greater focus on the pursuit of experiences – whether in addition to, or in place of, more material-based forms of consumption.
The ephemerality of the experience economy is also a common draw. Limited-edition events feel more exclusive, while transient pop-ups provide extra status for those who are in the know and reach the location first. And the most premium of experiences cleverly create even more hype by eschewing social media altogether – though shareability and status-boosting is still key. Cult venues such as www.sohohouse.com and www.secretcinema.org ban mobile phones so guests cannot take photos, which could be considered a riskier approach for brands who want to build reputation.
However, consumers benefit from feeling they have experienced something truly unique and are even more likely to share it in real life via word-of-mouth. A growing focus of the luxury sector has been the delivery of premium, status-boosting experiences in addition to best-in-class physical products.
Those with the means to access the sector will expect the experiences they collect – in-store, on
holiday, online – to surpass those available to a mass market clientele.
According to Foresight Factory (2018a), the ephemeral experience has become an acceptable
capitalist asset; it cannot be quantified or valued, yet it signifies authenticity, individuality, and
solidifies personal positioning in the realm of the fascinating. One driving motivation for travel is the desire to collect unique experiences; the ultimate souvenir is a lasting memory. At its fringes this trend boosts interest in rarer experiences and unvisited places – because a story uncollected by others is more exceptional and thus more valuable. The increasing ability to personalise trips and create bespoke tours, even for travellers on a budget, gives rise to a wider range of unique
experiences which everyone feels entitled to enjoy. Many experience led holidays focus on
disconnecting from the internet, to further absorb oneself in the present. A craving for meaningful
human interactions and a sense of belonging in a world dominated by technology drives the
desire for immersive, intense, off-the-beaten track experiences. However, we also see social
media playing an increased role in holiday-booking. Lured in by others’ experiences on platforms
such as Instagram, new embedded links allow for direct booking from stories.
Micro trends and experience economy
As the experience economy is now mainstream, how will it evolve and what are the micro or sub
trends that will shape its future? Penn (2007) and Penn and Fineman (2018) note that micro
trends illustrate the changes that are occurring in the experience economy and that they are
consumer focused. Key micro trends are as follows.
Micro trend: once is never enough
Millions of lives are now no longer marked by “things will never be the same after this” moments.
Fewer people will face only one wedding ceremony or cohabit with the same person forever.
Fewer individuals will achieve only one major but unitary ambition (e.g. visiting Machu Picchu,
witnessing an eclipse, or completing a marathon). Many will survive life-threatening illnesses only
to face others some time later and then, in due course, survive them too. Across their lives, many
will embark on sequential careers when once upon a time a single one was more than enough.
The essentialism of such elasticated experience is the widespread realisation that no moment, no
choice and no state of affairs is unique and irreversible. The tourism sector has long had to
address the issues of long distance and big spend or how to tempt consumers into taking
perhaps unusually expensive vacations in far flung destinations. This leads to marketing
promotions which emphasise once in a lifetime or do this before you die aspects. But, as life
extends, affluence stabilises and (even extreme) experiences multiply, there now a generation of
over 65s who will have to make more than one bucket list. Why should a young Californian
backpacker assume that s/he will only visit Machu Picchu once (Yeoman et al., 2012)?
Micro trend: luxury experienced
(Con't)The definition of luxury has shifted to encompass more experiential forms of indulgence,
elevating the value of both unique experiences and everyday moments (Yeoman and
McMahon-Beattie, 2018). Millions in the UK now feel entitled to luxury in some form and while it
is certain that the financial crisis of the late 2000s and early 2010s subdued the growth of
prosperity, our sense of entitlement to luxury is irrepressible (Foresight Factory, 2017; Seo and
Buchanan-Oliver, 2015). As access to luxury becomes more mainstream, however, its very
definition has evolved to carry ever more nuanced associations alongside more traditional ones
(Lee et al., 2015; Hennigs et al., 2015). While the meaning of luxury for many consumers is
rigidly wedded to its classic, traditional definition of expensive, unique material quality, we note
too that intensity of experience is becoming more important to consumers. So too is any form of
indulgence that enables consumers to fulfill their deeper psychic ambitions and confirm their
social success and savoir-vivre in the process. Underpinning the luxury experiences (Foresight
Factory, 2019) trend is the notion that the leisure activities should contribute to one’s skill set,
cultural awareness or even character. Indeed, it is argued that superior premium experiences
have a lasting impact upon one’s personal outlook and therefore represent an investment. And
that ultimately, such endeavours (and improvements) can be broadcast across networks, both
on and offline
Micro trend: everyday exceptional
Consumers are constantly searching for reasons to break routines and indulge in unscheduled celebration (Yeoman and McMahon-Beattie, 2018). Commercial opportunity lies not just in finding the occasions when consumers party, but also in supplying fresh reasons to celebrate.
The experience economy: micro trends by Ian Seymour Yeoman and Una McMahon-Beattie
The pretexts for our celebrations are becoming more numerous and more ingenious. In the
social media enhanced lives of millions, few milestones go unmarked and few achievements
undeclared. Energised by dynamic multiculturalism, a globalised events calendar presents
more opportunities to make something special of the day. Many people are comfortable
participating in re-interpretations of celebrations not necessarily rooted in their own religious
practices, national traditions or local cultures. Even specifically national holidays can have an
international appeal. Public enjoyment of all kinds of cultural phenomena, from the season finale
of a favourite TV show to major sporting events and even to political contests, derives as much
from the pretext for the party as the spectacle itself. Consumer enthusiasm for celebrations is
continuously re-ignited and more occasions come to be seen as legitimate pretexts, particularly
in the light of branded energy being devoted to the trend. There is in theory a limit to how many
(more) events or occasions the consumer will be impelled, as well as financially able, to
celebrate (Yeoman et al., 2012).
Micro trend: experience first
The coveting of material goods is being threatened as more consumers come to favour the
experiential over the material. Experiences and stories collected and shared are becoming a
more common way for people to express themselves. Whereas once the designer handbag
was a signal of success in life, now a memory from a faraway land is a marker of a good life
(Silverstein and Fiske, 2003). This opens up significant opportunities for the leisure sector, as
objects are transformed into experiences, and consumers look for ever more exciting and novel
events to discover. One driving motivation for travel is the desire to collect unique experiences;
the ultimate souvenir is a lasting memory. At its fringes this trend boosts interest in rarer
experiences and unvisited places – because a story uncollected by others is more exceptional
and thus more valuable (De La Paz, 2009; Howison et al., 2017; Ogilvy, 2005). The increasing
ability to personalise trips and create bespoke tours, even for travellers on a budget, gives rise
to a wider range of unique experiences which everyone feels entitled to enjoy. Many experience
led holidays focus on disconnecting from the internet, to further absorb oneself in the present
(Boyle, 2005; Collins and Weiss, 2015; MacLaren et al., 2013). A craving for meaningful human
interactions and a sense of belonging in a world dominated by technology drives the desire for
immersive, intense, off-the-beaten track experiences (Foresight Factory, 2019; Yeoman and
McMahon-Beattie, 2018).
Conclusion
The experience economy is a fluid concept and that fluidity is a representation of its future and transformation. Tourism experiences include everything from a Michelin meal in an exclusive restaurant to an encounter with a Kingfisher bird while on a nature adventure. Indeed, the desire for new and enriching experiences is growing exponentially and those providers that deliver experiential value beyond basic function will be particularly successful. Experience-hungry tourists will actively seek experiences that offer new skill acquisition, have a sense of purpose and
are associated with aspirational value.(JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j VOL. 5 NO. 2 2019, pp. 114-119)
歷史省思與舞蹈體驗設計
(略)而偶然間一次參與雲門舞集的舞者講述舞作的時代背景的小型集會的經驗,亦令其始能體會台灣的歷史境遇與成員處境:那晚的演講精彩極了,細數雲門舞集點點滴滴……講到雲門舞集一個代表作《薪傳》,是一個充滿外放的力量的舞蹈,講的是從唐山過台灣的故事,演員們做了大量的功課,田野考察,在河邊想像父輩從大陸來時的情景,會怎麼樣搬石頭,怎麼樣抬腳?等等……(胡紹嘉《旅歷台灣,返想中國:一位來台陸生的跨文化敘事與認同重構》新聞學研究‧ 第一一一期,2012年4月 頁43-87 / 胡紹嘉為世新大學口語傳播學系副教授,e-mail: hsj@cc.shu.edu.tw。)
徐賁《詩性人類學的群眾理論》
埃利亞斯·卡內提(Elias Canetti)在他的《群眾與權力》一書中提出的是一種詩性人類學的群眾理論。卡耐提於1925年開始研究群眾,受到奧地利散文家和詩人克勞斯(Karl Kraus,1974-1936)的影響,克勞斯告訴他,無論什麽思想,語言表述一定要清晰。他還受到朋友瓦丁格(Fredl Waldinger)的影響,瓦丁格研究的是佛教和引渡哲學,他的研究讓卡耐提悟出兩個道理,第一,研究群眾不一定要全身心地泡在群眾之中;第二,研究群眾的視野越開闊越好。卡耐提的群眾理論借助了人類學、心理學、社會學、哲學、歷史、政治學等不同學科的材料。〔註1〕卡耐提從1925年到1959年,斷斷續續一共花了34年時間才完成《群眾與權力》一書。他在書中闡述的群眾理論幾乎完全沒有所謂的科學分析範疇,是一種勞森(Richard H. Lawson)所說的“非範疇性歸類”。〔註2〕這形成了卡耐提群眾研究與其它群眾理論以及社會學理論的一個重要區別,那就是,它缺乏人們普遍認可的“科學性”,但卻富有一般群眾理論所缺乏的特殊人文想像和魅力。
卡耐提在引述各種歷史記錄和人類文獻的同時,不斷作出他自己的解釋,他采取的是一種夾敘夾議的方式。跟著他的思路,讀者自會感覺出其中的道理。但是,期待清晰論點的讀者卻會覺得從卡耐提那里得不到那種理論的滿足。耐倫(Tom Nairn)曾就此抱怨道,“卡耐提博士從來不用他的資料來論述關於群眾、歷史、心理學或別的什麽的論點。他只是在做雄辯的演說。”〔註3〕耐倫在卡耐提那里尋找論點,得到的卻是辯才。但是,正如羅卜遜(R. Robertson)所說,我們不妨把卡耐提群眾理論中的那種高度混合的“描述”和“解釋”的表述看成是一種“歷史人類學”的“深度描述”(thick description)。〔註4〕
深度描述是美國人類學家葛茲(Clifford Geertz)提出的術語,來源於英國哲學家萊爾(Gilbert Ryle)論行為描述的一篇文章。萊爾舉了這樣一個例子,兩個孩子同樣做擠眼睛的動作,其中一個是自己不能克制的習慣動作,另一個則是向別人悄悄示意。如果從生理學理論來看這兩個行為,它們並沒有區別。但是,如果對它們分別作描述加解釋的密集描述,它們便有了不同的行為意義,一個是“眨眼病”,另一個是“暗示”。〔註5〕葛茲用這個例子進一步提出,人類學家在描述它文化和社會中的人們行為時,必須也要加入解釋,這樣才能說明行為的意義。這就叫密集描述。按照對行為者所具有的意義來描述行為。〔註6〕
在實際運用中,如在葛茲自己的名篇論文《深層遊戲;巴厘鬥雞筆記》中,萊爾所觀察的眨眼和葛茲所觀察的鬥雞,這二者之間的區別不只在於後面的現像遠比前面的複雜,而在於,眨眼睛的人多少能夠解釋自己的行為,而葛茲對巴厘鬥雞的解釋卻是巴厘人自己所不能做的。葛茲對巴厘鬥雞作了這樣的解釋:血淋淋的鬥雞使得壓賭註錢的旁觀者極度興奮,其實是一種“藝術行為”,成為一種對“死亡、男性力量、憤怒、驕傲、失敗、善行和機遇”的表述。巴厘人觀看鬥雞是和英國人觀看莎士比亞戲劇演出相似的公眾行為。〔註7〕有論者指出,葛茲的解釋中含有太多的想像成分,有牽強附會之嫌。〔註8〕但這個解釋卻很能說明密集解釋的一個重要特征,那就是,這種解釋一般超過了行為者自己所意識到的行為意義,涉及到了行為的半意識或者無意識(下意識)意義。解釋到什麽程度必須適可而止,不至於「過度闡釋」,那要看解釋者自己如何拿捏分寸。
密集描述在人類社會學和人類文化描述學(ethnography)中有許多廣為人知曉的例子,如社會學家霍布金斯(Keith Hopkins)描述羅馬的鬥劍士格鬥,他所作的心理意義闡述包括觀眾感覺到的性吸引,觀眾在比賽中認同的是勝者的光榮而不是敗者的痛苦。〔註9〕慶典參與者雖能理解這些像徵意義,但卻無法對之作出解釋。這種密集描述往往得借助歷史上流傳下來的記錄,這些記錄是否準確當然會影響密集描述所提供的闡釋。由於卡耐提對自己所引述的大量原始材料的可靠性並沒有直接評說,所以有論者對他的闡釋可信度存在疑慮。〔註10〕也有論者認為,卡耐提有選擇地運用原始材料,不妨把他對這些材料的闡釋當作一種與文學闡釋相似的表述,只要闡釋本身言之有理,能自圓其說即可。〔註11〕(下續)
註釋:
1. Thomas H. Falk, Elias Canetti. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1993, pp. 85-6.
2. Richard H. Lawson, Understanding Elias Canetti. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina, 1991, p. 57.
3. Tom Nairn, "Crowds and Critics," New Left Review 17 (1962): 24-33, p. 29.
4. Ritchie Robertson, "Canetti as Anthropologist," in David Darby, ed., Critical Essays on Elias Canetti. New York: G. K. Halls, 2000, pp. 161-168.
5. Gilbert Ryle, "The Thinking of Thoughts," in Collected Papers. 2 vols. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1971, vol. ii, p. 482.
6. Clifford Geertz, "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture," in Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. New York: Basic Books, 1973, pp. 3-30.
7. Clifford Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures, p. 443.
8. See V. Crapanzano, "Hermes' Dilemma: The Masking of Subersion in Ethnographic Description," in J. clifford and G. E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1986, pp. 68-76.
9. Keith Hopkins, "Murderous Games," in Death and Renewal. (Sociological Studies in Roman History, vol. 2.) New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 1-30.
10. S. Schmid-Bortenschlager und Hermann Broch," in K. Bartsch and G. Melzer, eds., Elias Canetti: Experte der Macht. Graz: Droschi, 1985, p. 118.
11. Ritchie Robertson, "Canetti as Anthropologist," in David Darby, ed., Critical Essays on Elias Canetti, p. 168.
(徐賁 2007《詩性人類學的群眾理論:兼及卡內提和阿多諾關於群眾問題的對談》2007-09-18 爱思想平台)
人類學的描述方式使得卡耐提的群眾理論,給人一種與當下時代脫節的感覺。盡管卡耐提關切權力、群眾、殺害、存活、人和非人等等問題,但他的中立超然立場使他一直避免與這些問題直接有關的二十世紀事件和現像,如納粹、屠殺猶太人、斯大林主義。他也一直避免與涉及這些現實事件和現像的論者(如阿倫特、雅士伯)公開辯論。比起希特勒和斯大林來,他更願意討論歷史上的偏執狂暴君Daniel Paul Schreber(1842-1911)。即使在他的自傳中,那些左右和殘害二十世紀世界的主要人物也都是缺席的,他議及的反倒是一些次要的,或者甚至完全不為人知的人物。
1939年,卡耐提逃離納粹統治的德國,定居英國,他在日記中記載了自己對戰爭和戰爭苦難的想法。他面臨這樣一種困境,他一方面覺得有責任對居住國保有忠誠,但另一方面又在心里雖德國文化有不能割捨之情。和許多戰時流亡在外國的德語作家不一樣,卡耐提在這一段時間沒有發表作品,也沒有發表反對德國的言論,以保持一種他心目中的超然中立。即使到戰後,他了解了戰爭的破壞和對猶太人的大屠殺,他也沒有對德國文化有所譴責。他關切普遍意義的,而不是具體國家和制度中的死亡、偏執、狂妄、極端和殘忍。他不只一次地表示,他所關切的苦難人類包括那些原本想殺死他這個猶太人的德國人。〔註12〕
在《群眾與權力》的簡短「結語」中,卡耐提畢竟是是涉及了原始部落、遠古社會與現代世界的聯系。這個結語集中在「幸存者」身上,不是經歷了歷史災難還僥存於世的生還者,而是那些踏在別人屍體堆上,成功地成為「英雄」的偉大人物。卡耐提寫道,「作者的真正意圖是將生還者從隱匿處挖掘出來,並顯示出他的本來面目。他可能被尊為影響,成為號令天下的君主,然而在本質上他永遠都一樣。事實上,英雄在我們這個時代才取得了輝煌的勝利,我們可以從那些高呼人道的人群之間找出來,他仍未絕滅,除非我們有足夠的力量來看輕他的假面具及他的榮耀和光環之前。生還者是人類最大的邪惡、最大的詛咒、甚至是最壞的劫難。在這個最後時刻,我們能逃出他的魔掌嗎?」〔註13〕
卡耐提暗示,他思考群眾與權力問題的動機包括了對他那一代人剛剛歷經的政治災難的反思。1962年,卡耐提曾和阿多諾(T. Adorno)有過一次關於群眾的對話,在德國廣播後,受到相當廣泛的注意。在與阿多諾的這次對談中,卡耐提明確地談到了現實政治災難的問題。這是針對阿多諾對《群眾與權力》的質疑所作的回應。阿多諾認為,人類學和心理學觀察方法也許使得卡耐提只能把注意力放在那些具有普遍意義的像徵性群眾形態,因而忽略了特定歷史條件下的現實群眾。卡耐提同意阿多諾強調現實群眾的重要性,他說,「我甚至還要進一步地說,我們所經歷的(政治)專制,……如果沒有群眾的壯大,沒有對更大群眾的蠱惑煽動,是完全不能想像的。……自從一次大戰爆發以來,在經歷過戰爭、革命、通貨膨脹時期和隨後而至的法西斯專制後,也許任何一個我們的同代人在這樣的歷史重負下,都會覺得十分有必要好好了解群眾問題。」〔註14〕
卡耐提對專制極權與群眾關係與他的許多同代人(如阿倫特、雅士伯)有共同的現實問題意識。但是,這種問題意識並沒有在《群眾與權力》中直接顯現出來。阿多諾在與卡耐提的對談中一再提出,他和其他讀者在閱讀《群眾與權力》時感到卡耐提的討論方式有一種以超然哲思代替現實思考的趨向。阿多諾承認,「正確地理解你的(寫作)意圖十分重要,」〔註15〕但是,他仍然認為,即使我們可以把現代群眾的盲從、暴力和狂熱看成是與古代社會有關的「返祖」現像,我們仍然需要了解,在特定的政治和社會環境中,返祖現像的具體現刻原因究竟是什麽。〔註16〕希特勒的群眾和墨索里尼的群眾不同,斯大林、毛澤東的群眾又和他們的群眾不同。(上續)
12. Dagmar C. G. Lorenz, 「Introduction,」in Dagmar C. G. Lorenz,ed., A Companion to the Works of Elias Canetti,New York: Camden House, 2004, p. 9.
13. Elias Canetti, Crowds and Power. Trans. Carol Stewart. London: Gollancz, 1962, p.468.
14. Elias Canetti and Theodor W. Adorno, "Crowds and Power," in David Darby, ed.,Critical Essays on Elias Canetti. New York: G. K. Halls, 2000, p.142.
15. Elias Canetti and Theodor W. Adorno, "Crowds and Power," p. 142.
16. Elias Canetti and Theodor W. Adorno, "Crowds and Power," pp. 142, 157.
詩性人類學—埃利亞斯·卡內提(Elias Canetti)在他的《群眾與權力》一書中提出的是一種詩性人類學的群眾理論。卡耐提於1925年開始研究群眾,受到奧地利散文家和詩人克勞斯(Karl Kraus,1974-1936)的影響,克勞斯告訴他,無論什麽思想,語言表述一定要清晰。他還受到朋友瓦丁格(Fredl Waldinger)的影響,瓦丁格研究的是佛教和引渡哲學,他的研究讓卡耐提悟出兩個道理,第一,研究群眾不一定要全身心地泡在群眾之中;第二,研究群眾的視野越開闊越好。卡耐提的群眾理論借助了人類學、心理學、社會學、哲學、歷史、政治學等不同學科的材料。〔註1〕卡耐提從1925年到1959年,斷斷續續一共花了34年時間才完成《群眾與權力》一書。他在書中闡述的群眾理論幾乎完全沒有所謂的科學分析範疇,是一種勞森(Richard H. Lawson)所說的“非範疇性歸類”。〔註2〕這形成了卡耐提群眾研究與其它群眾理論以及社會學理論的一個重要區別,那就是,它缺乏人們普遍認可的“科學性”,但卻富有一般群眾理論所缺乏的特殊人文想像和魅力。
卡耐提在引述各種歷史記錄和人類文獻的同時,不斷作出他自己的解釋,他采取的是一種夾敘夾議的方式。跟著他的思路,讀者自會感覺出其中的道理。但是,期待清晰論點的讀者卻會覺得從卡耐提那裏得不到那種理論的滿足。耐倫(Tom Nairn)曾就此抱怨道,“卡耐提博士從來不用他的資料來論述關於群眾、歷史、心理學或別的什麽的論點。他只是在做雄辯的演說。”〔註3〕耐倫在卡耐提那裏尋找論點,得到的卻是辯才。但是,正如羅卜遜(R. Robertson)所說,我們不妨把卡耐提群眾理論中的那種高度混合的“描述”和“解釋”的表述看成是一種“歷史人類學”的“深度描述”(thick description)。〔註4〕
深度描述是美國人類學家葛茲(Clifford Geertz)提出的術語,來源於英國哲學家萊爾(Gilbert Ryle)論行為描述的一篇文章。萊爾舉了這樣一個例子,兩個孩子同樣做擠眼睛的動作,其中一個是自己不能克制的習慣動作,另一個則是向別人悄悄示意。如果從生理學理論來看這兩個行為,它們並沒有區別。但是,如果對它們分別作描述加解釋的密集描述,它們便有了不同的行為意義,一個是“眨眼病”,另一個是“暗示”。〔註5〕葛茲用這個例子進一步提出,人類學家在描述它文化和社會中的人們行為時,必須也要加入解釋,這樣才能說明行為的意義。這就叫密集描述。按照對行為者所具有的意義來描述行為。〔註6〕
在實際運用中,如在葛茲自己的名篇論文《深層遊戲;巴厘鬥雞筆記》中,萊爾所觀察的眨眼和葛茲所觀察的鬥雞,這二者之間的區別不只在於後面的現象遠比前面的複雜,而在於,眨眼睛的人多少能夠解釋自己的行為,而葛茲對巴厘鬥雞的解釋卻是巴厘人自己所不能做的。葛茲對巴厘鬥雞作了這樣的解釋:血淋淋的鬥雞使得壓賭註錢的旁觀者極度興奮,其實是一種“藝術行為”,成為一種對“死亡、男性力量、憤怒、驕傲、失敗、善行和機遇”的表述。巴厘人觀看鬥雞是和英國人觀看莎士比亞戲劇演出相似的公眾行為。〔註7〕有論者指出,葛茲的解釋中含有太多的想像成分,有牽強附會之嫌。〔註8〕但這個解釋卻很能說明密集解釋的一個重要特征,那就是,這種解釋一般超過了行為者自己所意識到的行為意義,涉及到了行為的半意識或者無意識(下意識)意義。解釋到什麽程度必須適可而止,不至於「過度闡釋」,那要看解釋者自己如何拿捏分寸。
密集描述在人類社會學和人類文化描述學(ethnography)中有許多廣為人知曉的例子,如社會學家霍布金斯(Keith Hopkins)描述羅馬的鬥劍士格鬥,他所作的心理意義闡述包括觀眾感覺到的性吸引,觀眾在比賽中認同的是勝者的光榮而不是敗者的痛苦。〔註9〕慶典參與者雖能理解這些像徵意義,但卻無法對之作出解釋。這種密集描述往往得借助歷史上流傳下來的記錄,這些記錄是否準確當然會影響密集描述所提供的闡釋。由於卡耐提對自己所引述的大量原始材料的可靠性並沒有直接評說,所以有論者對他的闡釋可信度存在疑慮。〔註10〕也有論者認為,卡耐提有選擇地運用原始材料,不妨把他對這些材料的闡釋當作一種與文學闡釋相似的表述,只要闡釋本身言之有理,能自圓其說即可。〔註11
1 Thomas H. Falk, Elias Canetti. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1993, pp. 85-6.
2 Richard H. Lawson, Understanding Elias Canetti. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina, 1991, p. 57.
3 Tom Nairn, "Crowds and Critics," New Left Review 17 (1962): 24-33, p. 29.
4 Ritchie Robertson, "Canetti as Anthropologist," in David Darby, ed., Critical Essays on Elias Canetti. New York: G. K. Halls, 2000, pp. 161-168.
5 Gilbert Ryle, "The Thinking of Thoughts," in Collected Papers. 2 vols. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1971, vol. ii, p. 482.
6 Clifford Geertz, "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture," in Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. New York: Basic Books, 1973, pp. 3-30
7 Clifford Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures, p. 443.
8 See V. Crapanzano, "Hermes' Dilemma: The Masking of Subersion in Ethnographic Description," in J. clifford and G. E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1986, pp. 68-76.
9 Keith Hopkins, "Murderous Games," in Death and Renewal. (Sociological Studies in Roman History, vol. 2.) New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 1-30.
10 S. Schmid-Bortenschlager und Hermann Broch," in K. Bartsch and G. Melzer, eds., Elias Canetti: Experte der Macht. Graz: Droschi, 1985, p. 118.
11Ritchie Robertson, "Canetti as Anthropologist," in David Darby, ed., Critical Essays on Elias Canetti, p. 168
(徐賁 2007《詩性人類學的群眾理論:兼及卡內提和阿多諾關於群眾問題的對談》2007-09-18 爱思想平台)
愛懇综合·中國邁點品牌指数文旅IP盛事
經歷了疫情沖擊,挨過了臺風洗禮,中國文旅景區2021年“熬”過了艱難的上半年;假日經濟爆發、本地遊、周邊遊“出圈”、夜遊產品全面開花、紅色、文化類景區持續升溫,中國文旅景區也度過了強勢復蘇,積極求“變”的上半年。在挑戰與機遇並存的時候,文旅景區也在積極探索品牌建設之道。9月15日,由商業空間資產戰略研究咨詢機構-邁點研究院,聯合商業空間產經研究媒體-邁點網等數百家媒體舉辦的第一屆“中國文旅景區“迈点品牌指数”(Meadin Brand Index)盛典[2020-2021]”於杭州黃龍飯店隆重開幕!
1場頒獎典禮、1個權威報告、1局圓桌議題、2個主題演講、3大案例分享共同構成了邁點首屆“中國文旅景區迈点品牌指数盛典”。本屆峰會以文旅論壇交流和優秀景區表彰為主,基於邁點研究院大數據研究結果,與超過300+文旅代表、行業研究人員以及媒體代表,針對旅遊市場變化趨勢和智慧文旅的營銷要點,探討有參考價值的實現路徑,更將從公益、公正的權威媒體立場,為文旅行業頒發十五大類年度獎項。
無論是在消費客群層面還是在營銷傳播上,文旅景區都需要打破原有的傳統觀念,積極擁抱年輕消費者,激活潛在用戶的購買力,為景區創收提質增效。
面對新消費市場需求和景區經營模式的轉變,優秀景區已經推出更貼近消費需求的高品質產品,更人性化的特色服務,且十分注重新營銷人才隊伍的建設和培養,深刻挖掘景區品牌本身和其所蘊含的價值,通過雲端傳播,讓國人以及世界看到我們中國文旅事業千帆競進,異彩紛呈的景象!”
從整體來看,文旅行業還是在不斷向前發展。從表現來看,受到疫情影響,國內旅遊收入及旅遊人數大幅下降,但在政策利好、經濟水平提升以及科技賦能旅遊景區產業的大背景下,國內文旅景區擁有無限的發展潛能。
通過對5A級景區和4A級景區,在年度品牌指數以及景區細分維度兩個層面進行分析,未來景區品牌建設要留意四大趨勢展望和建議:
其一、是旅遊市場砥礪前行,文旅高質量發展加速;
其二、是文旅融合縱深發展,文博景區成假日休閑熱點;
其三、是紅色旅遊熱度攀升,傳播影響力燃動全國;
其四、是數智文旅復蘇提速,“旅遊+”跨界場景成為市場主流。
在消費升級背景下,文旅產業也正在完成從高速增長向高質量的轉型,需圍繞“文旅IP如何實現創新發展”展開深度討論。中國的文旅景區IP發展正在由“引入”過渡到“原創”,而在IP的發展過程中是否成功,則需要看其是否可以與本地文化融合,真正打造成具有記憶感的獨特用戶體驗。
文旅IP就是文化資源,中國可以打造各種文旅IP,打造的時候要尊重文化,但不迷戀文化,而是對在地文化發掘過程中積極思考如何將它進行市場化。
要關注文旅IP的獨特性,現在很多景區都在打造IP,但只有IP被賦予更多文化情感因素,才能真正引起遊客共鳴,將產業IP變成產業化。打造文創產品包括文化IP,不僅僅是單店的打造,更重要的是需要和遊客的交互點、讓遊客感覺到有趣好玩,甚至把它帶回家。(信息來源:恩傑資訊 2021-09-21)
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