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Comment by 私貨珍藏 on April 1, 2024 at 12:25pm
直到1787年,也就在廖内王朝拥有柔佛与彭亨主权期间,荷兰人有了插手马来半岛东边的念头。那时侯,身在柔佛的廖内王朝苏丹,带领了实质上统治彭亨的国务大臣(Bendahara),一行人到马六甲与荷方签约,规定荷兰东印度公司入驻苏丹王宫所在的廖内群岛,负责管理海关,确保以后所有经过半岛南方的货运船,进入马来亚海域以前,先得在廖内向荷人缴税,否则不得航行向彭亨;可是,苏丹后来深觉懊悔,于 是寻求加里曼丹海盗助阵,发动战争驱逐荷兰人。

①【明】茅瑞徵: 《皇明象胥录》卷 4,收录在《四庫禁燬書叢刊》编纂委员会: 《四庫禁燬書叢刊》史部第10冊,第617页。

② Begbie, P. J., 1834. The Malayan Peninsula: Embracing Its History, Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants. Madras: The Vepery Mission Press.pp.289-290.

③Ibid.,p.291.

战争过后,苏丹唯恐荷兰人会卷土重来,便带着两百小船载着部队撤退至Lingga岛 上,廖内岛上其他子民担心荷兰人势力不久回到廖内群岛,也纷纷提前搬迁向彭亨等地。

 五、19世纪北根华人乡镇和东北矿区的劫后复兴

现在彭亨可见华人历史文物,大部分都出现在自从敦阿里(Tun Ali)治理以后。1806年,敦阿里(Tun Ali)以年龄二十五岁上任廖内王朝的国务大臣(Bendahara),在实质上继承了历任国务大臣拥有的彭亨封邑,此后一直到他在1857年逝世,他是以超过半世纪实质统治彭亨的国主身份,一边在武义士人担任资政的廖内王朝,一 再回应斡旋各种内部纷扰,另一边则奋励精图治,力维持彭亨境内的长治久安。

这时期的彭亨“华人乡镇”会留下较多安居乐业的具 体记载,也是敦阿里时代大背景的一种体现。敦阿里逝世以后,随 着彭亨在19世纪下半叶一再经历国运转折,长期遭遇内忧外患,屡 屡发生内战,后来又被英国纳为保护国,原来彭亨许多更早期的华 人历史材料,反而更不容易完整保全。

在马来世界的历史上,敦阿里的妻舅胡先(Husien),原本在 1812年就有机会成为廖内苏丹。可是在胡先的父王亡故之际,在赶回王宫的航程半途中,居然遇上海上风浪,延误奔丧;这期间,朝中的武义士贵族资政,连同着贵族大臣,也就有机会变化态度,改而拥护胡先同父异母弟弟登基。

这之后,敦阿里曾经试图发兵支援妻舅夺回政权,但是拥护新苏丹的另一派系找上英国东印度公司, 说服正在托管荷殖马六甲的英国人,让后者出面劝阻敦阿里。等到廖内王朝后来又发生新变化,掌控柔佛统治权的军治大臣在 1819 年推举胡先(Husien)成为新王,敦阿里发现胡先这次反过来获得了英国东印度公司支持,源于胡先签订对英 协议,割让新加坡给英国,敦阿里就不满意胡先了

① Winstedt. R. O, 1932. A History of Johore. Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society,10(3),pp.66-68. (Temengong)。

以后多年,敦阿里一贯自居胡先已故父王遗愿的践行者,并且向掌治柔佛的廖内王朝军治大臣表态,只愿坚持效忠廖内王朝,但不想支持自家妻舅;他还给重新回到马六甲的荷兰殖民者写信说英国人如此对待廖内王朝,是“分离了所有兄弟亲人”。他也宣布拒绝见到任何英国旗帜出现在彭亨海域。

直至若干年后,敦阿里方才接受妻舅成为新苏丹的既成事实。① 后来彭亨王国百年历史文献《彭亨纪年》(Hikayat Pahang), 描述近现代新兴彭亨王国的历史叙事,是从敦阿里的事迹说起,记 载了彭亨王国约由 1832 年开始,至 1932 年之间的事迹。

《彭亨纪年》说起老祖辈敦阿里,是说在他统治的时代,彭亨民生富庶,境内随时有人可以掏出西班牙银元,出手采购价值几万元的黄金,而各种食物和用品全不匮乏,尚且价廉物美,白米价格长期维持在每 二十五干当(每干当约等于3.6公斤)只卖一银元;敦阿里为了促进境内商贸,也是身体力行,除了他自身食邑关丹(Kuantan)河道, 彭亨全境产品出入境免税,因此便吸引许多外人往来贸易,开启了彭亨久所未有的繁荣和安定。②

广东梅州人谢清高,1780年至1800年曾经跟随葡人商船航海维生,后来由杨炳南笔录其所见所闻,撰成《海录》一书,书中便有记载敦阿里上任之前的情形,说那时早有华人深入吉兰丹 (Kelantan)和彭亨,在两国境内山区采矿谋生。根据谢清高的文字,闽粤华人到吉兰丹和彭亨淘金,是有组织的,形成地方社会。

那时候人们借助吉兰丹港口进出彭亨山区,闽粤洋船都是到达吉兰丹港口就不再南行,人都是从吉兰丹港口上下岸,沿着河道走入矿区的,遇上河中是巨石丛杂而水势峻厉,就用小舟逆挽而上。

①Bujong Bin Adil.,op.cit.,hlm.116-120.

②Kalthum Jeran(ed.),1986. Hikayat Pahang. Petaling Jaya: Penerbit Fajar Bakti.hlm.6.

有者 是一路南行至吉兰丹产金地呀喇顶(Galas),有者则以呀喇顶连接着彭亨金矿产地“麻姑”山区的后山,继续从山路走入彭亨国境这片西北区域。①谢清高记忆中的“麻姑”,在地图上即Raub,现译 “劳勿”。 敦阿里统治期间,彭亨近代的商贸历史继续在国际化。

1827 年,一位英国商人从马六甲出发,带着鸦片到彭亨售卖,想要交易黄金。当时敦阿里担心英商单独进入彭亨山区的安危,安排了两位新加坡相当有名声的穆斯林商人,一路陪伴;这个英国商人回到马六甲病逝之前,遗留的日记记录了他从穆斯林商人听闻的商机,说他们在关丹附近的里帕尔河(Sungai Lepar)流域找到锡脉,只要等待旱季来临便能开采,届时会有许多华人矿户,也会有八百名马来人参与采矿。②

Linehan《彭亨史》全文最后一页的附录内容,记载一段重要口述资料,进一步印证了谢清高所知道的:在吉兰丹和彭亨山区的矿户群体,是会随着发现新矿区,迁徙移动的,由此形成当地矿区聚落,即是上世纪许多华人矿镇的最初缘起。
Comment by 私貨珍藏 on March 31, 2024 at 8:19am

(续上)当时马来联邦博物馆的民族志学者H. D. Noone,从吉兰丹老布赖(Pulai)金矿村村长得 知,早在1730年代以前,在吉兰丹的呀喇顶,有过一处客家聚落,居民主要源自海陆丰(Hoi-Lu-Feng)的彭(Pang)姓宗族群体,长期开发山谷的矿区地带。

来随着地方发展,新到各群体逐渐人多势众,和原先群体相互挤压,彭姓乡社后人卒之迁徙至彭亨境内的瓜拉立卑(Kuala Lipis),开发距离河港五英里处的矿区,参与成就了此处老矿镇开埠历史。此地后来名称叫“Pang-Kong”,或马来文 Panggong,至今有个村子名叫Kampong  Simpang  Panggong;而 Panggong这马来名词,原意即是指称大型的木架构棚台,是为了露 天采矿而搭建的。

彭亨成为英属保护国之前,此处山区各矿场搭建的Panggong,皆属彭亨日赖(Jelai)王侯领主Maharaja Perba Jela管 辖,也是领主历年收取岁贡的主要来源。 按常理说,矿场都是要搭建棚架构造淘取矿砂平台,不方便妇孺参加在工作环境里头生活。至于矿区外围,矿场对外通路的路口旁边那片角落(Simpang)区域,是既分隔又比邻着大众工作的矿场,才是矿户安置家人的理想环境,又方便监视和处理矿区对外交通。昔日历代日赖领主称大王侯(Maharaja),拥有实质的财政与军事力量,20 世纪以前是掌握整个彭亨国西北部的地方实力,势力几可与彭亨统治者分庭抗礼,无疑由来于矿业经济的发展。矿区的人口和经济资源,各种商铺贸易,是随着矿场和居住区互成正比的 增加而持续扩张。  

①【清】谢清高口述,杨炳南笔录,安京校译:《海录校释》,北京:商务印务馆, 2002年,第25页。

② Linehan, W.,op.cit., p.59. ③ Ibid.,p.259.

1971 年,汉学家傅吾康与陈铁凡两人造访北根,在当地一所木屋小庙发现了刻着“乾隆癸未”(1763 年)年份的“大唐本头公 神”神位,以及“钦授嘭哼甲大学科黄公”的神主。隔年,他们又找到林子廉甲必丹(1811 年-1868 年) 的神主,还有不知名的某甲必丹(?-1875年)和另一位陈甲必丹(1821年-1882年)的神 主,以及“考特授呷必丹昌俊郑公之神位”(1827年-1894年)。 ①依据这“大唐本头公”的称呼,足以说明那时侯彭亨华人自我定位,是继续延续着唐代以来的海上传统,视自己为“唐人”,也自 称“唐人”,称呼当地则视为“本头”(本处之缘起),更将当地视为属于“大唐”这个概念的“本头”。

这个概念的由来,至少应该追溯至1730年代以前,那时海陆丰等地华人,已经在当地经历多年开矿开村的集体生活。无可否然,华人领袖根据本身方言以 “嘭”为 “彭” ,又称“钦授嘭哼甲大学科黄公”,也就是承认着彭亨实质统治者是当地国主,还有本朝入居各国的民众,传统以来是相尊于各国国主而应守在地的子民本份。

彭亨华人在18世纪的如此观念,自称“唐人”,以“本头”称谓自己所在的开拓区域,其实并非彭亨个别现象,应是当时整个海域的共有观念。由彭亨海路东进,对面是加里曼丹大岛,当地兰芳公司集体经营的地方社会,也是把领导称为“大唐总长”。

①陈铁凡:《南洋华裔文物论集》,台北:燕京文化事业股份有限公司,1977 年,第 32–33页。

从泰国 至越南南部,更不少见各地华人常有自称“唐人”而据有“本头” 公庙,他们几乎都是以公庙公共机构凝聚集体意识,称呼主祀神明 “本头公”,维持规范秩序与处理大众福利的功能。包括马六甲海峡以北,英属槟榔屿“唐人”共同奉祀开埠大伯公,也是称呼原来庙祀所在的岛屿“本头公屿”,并称闽人组织大伯公会建祠所在巷子“本头公巷”。 “大唐本头公神”碑中榜以楷书书写,运笔流畅,而刻碑者亦做到逐字按照书法笔顺雕琢字划婉延的深浅层次变化,而其左榜是 以“乾隆癸未年立”相对于右榜“双凤周翼振敬”。

傅吾康、陈铁凡《馬來西亞華文銘刻萃編》曾在此碑相片下说明,那时除了在马 六甲,在泰南宋卡也没有见过比之更老的石刻。 究其实,更重要是石碑证明彭亨可以提供出南海华人如何各地构建彼此在地社会的其 中一个案例:此时此际彭亨华人集体公庙,集体自我表述所透射出集体历史认知,是将“大唐”渊源、“本头”认同、“乾隆”年号、“双凤”祖籍,以应呼“神”的天命神道观念,由“敬”而 “立”有机的凝聚,由不忘根本彰显真挚感情的本头意识。

上述“周翼振”能于1763年在集体公庙题名立碑众人膜拜之神位,可能即是把大众信俗转变本处长久香火的本庙初建领导;至于碑上的“双凤”是否是清朝广东潮州揭阳县原来的双凤围村,抑或源自其他地方,则只能寄望于子孙或查阅大陆各地的族谱了。

参照宋朝朱彧撰写的《萍洲可谈》,“唐人”的指称可谓是由唐而宋,延续至今。《萍洲可谈》书中解释何以西北诸邦多称“汉人”,而南海诸邦多称“唐人”,是说前者渊源于汉朝朝令很早交通西北各国,后者则是唐朝更多通达南海诸邦的结果。清朝时,王士祯曾在礼部负责外务,他撰写的《池北偶谈》提及各国来使多称 “唐人”,则解释“盖自唐始通中国,故相沿云尔。”③

这样一项 讨论,延续至到17世纪以后,或可能从整个海域多民族共存互通互动的大环境,包括从明遗民与大清子民的共存互动,发现新的意义。

① 傅吾康、陈铁凡:《馬來西亞華文銘刻萃編》第2卷,吉隆坡:马来亚大学出版 社,1985年,第497页。

②【宋】朱彧撰,李伟国点校:《萍州可谈》,中华书局,2007 年,第 142 页。

③【清】王士禛著,文益人校点:《池北偶谈》,齐鲁书社,2007 年,第 415 页。

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on March 29, 2024 at 5:21pm

(續上)如广东雷州鄚玖的河仙政权,历代效忠越南阮朝,最初是在真腊国的恾坎(Man Kam)垦荒,以后开辟由越南河仙金瓯一直到柬埔寨的磅逊港口大片地区,对外海岸线便连绵200公里,后人撰写的《河仙镇叶镇鄚氏家谱》便有形容说,此地是“……海外诸国, 帆樯连络而来,其近华、唐、獠、蛮,流民丛集,户口稠密”。

事实上,如果对照越南阮朝等时代的史籍文字,越南文献里头的 “华”或“汉”往往是自称越南人;由此或得设想,“唐人”作为先民集体自称,或者被越南京族等其他汉语体系的族群称为“唐人”,是种认同概念;由此延续至19世纪,越南史籍那时依旧沿用着“唐人”一词,更显然是种概括的总称,如此既能包括也能搁置 17世纪以来“明人”或“清人”之异同。

再以昔日老彭亨老北根老庙前边遗留的墓碑为据,其中咸丰元年(1851 年)的“陈大目”夫妇墓碑,上方横刻“儒士”两字,就能很清楚反映墓中的“清·考大目陈公,妣谥莲番氏”生前的身份;此外,志明“同治四年(1865 年)的“皇清显考十九世名燕盛 陈公”墓碑,是由“孝男开才,孝女丁 X”立碑;又有同治五年 (1866 年)袁连章夫妇碑未有子孙在当地立碑,却说明“世居西陇乡”。

这样便能确定,当时这诸多家庭组成的社会,地方上是既有儒家的教学与传播,主流思想观念与文化渊源也还是不忘世系的礼法规制,有些家庭可能还是维系着原来的“世居”传承与宗族/家族义务,历代祖孙来往两地,而又是在此终老,乃至入土为安。

而不论是陈大目的夫人“莲番氏”,或者同治八年(1869 年)“嘉应显妣新女张母番墓”,这些妇女以“番”为姓而又拥有中文名字,应当便是文西阿都拉所说的民族通婚;她们生前为夫家传宗接代,要 操劳华南家务也要操劳本土生计,逝世后是依照中华礼仪安葬,神主入祀惠潮嘉各乡祠堂,不论她们的后人如何开枝散叶,彼等共同在天之灵已经被尊为中华民族历代显妣。

 ①【越南阮朝】武世营撰;陈荆和注释:《河仙镇叶镇鄚氏家谱注释》,台北:台湾大学文学院《文史哲学报》1955 年第 7 期, 第 85 页。

②金雨雁:《十九世纪越南史籍中的“华、汉”含义的考证》,收录在中山大学东南 亚历史研究所编:《东南亚历史论文集》,1982 年,第 29-37 页。

③傅吾康、陈铁凡:《馬來西亞華文銘刻萃編》第 2 卷,吉隆坡:马来亚大学出版 社,1985年,,第501-502页。

④同上注,第503页。

由此更可相信,在列圣宫庙内和庙前坟地清代遗迹,都是昔日长时间历史建构之遗痕,堪以表明华人先民在彭亨的历代传承,不是一个没有文化的社会,也不是生活在缺乏教育的情境。他们立的神位、墓碑,以及各种自我表 述的方式和方向,投射出那年代的华人先民试图在南海诸邦实现安身立命的维知识体系和思维模式,确立为何和如何在这里生于斯、 长于斯、终老于斯。

19世纪,不论相对于敦阿里或者他境内统治的“唐民”,英国 人在互为亲友的各族群眼中,才是最接近彭亨朝野的“远方外来者”。自荷兰和英国于1824年划海为界,英国把原来在苏门答腊西南部占领的明古连(Bencoolen)割让给荷兰人,交换了原来被荷兰 人占据的马六甲,英属海峡殖民地也因此包括槟城、马六甲和新加坡,即华人常俗称的“三州府”。

三州府的设置,也意味着大英帝 国从南到北控制了马来亚的半岛西岸的马六甲海峡以东。随着海峡殖民地三州府1830年归属于孟加拉省,再到1832年三州府首府由槟城迁往新加坡,即是海峡殖民地的总督府地缘战略重新定位。新加坡作为马来亚南方的海岛,位处于南中国海、爪哇海和马六甲海峡 的海路交界,当然更有利大英帝国经略马来亚,同时遥望同属英势力范围的加里曼丹大岛北部。

这时,彭亨原产业资源,特别是金矿和锡矿,是英国等欧洲国家的需求,却都得途经马六甲,借助英方设在当地的海峡港口。英属马六甲的东山比邻着彭亨,西岸对正马六甲海峡中部,更是钳制着彭亨或柔佛不论从海路或陆路出入马六甲海峡。

偏偏彭亨的局面,是不能不和英人打交道;因为彭亨即使借道19世纪上半叶在北方相对独立的霹雳王国,也会遇上英国在马六甲海峡北方长久经营的槟榔屿自由港,以及英方作为霹雳优势的锡矿与蔗糖采购者,会有牵制霹雳的对外关系。

另一方面,敦阿里曾在1819年反对割让新加坡,可是随着新加坡开港,彭亨产品对外运输很大程度上从中受益,这也许是敦阿里 后来对待英商入境越趋友善的一大理由。

19世纪30年代中叶,新加坡自由港开发已经明显利益彭亨的矿 业运输。英殖驻马六甲军团中尉军官Thomas John Newbold,后来是 英国皇家学院院士,1839年出版的《马六甲海峡英属拓殖地的政治 与统计档案》,在上边报告说,彭亨的“阿里先生”(Inchi Ali)拥有的治理优势,基础在国境内拥有丰富的黄金和锡矿产量。

根据 Newbold 的调查,彭亨全境四万人口,其中有一万二千人是华人, 每年出口黄金超过三百金衡制磅,出口锡米超过一千担,堪称马来亚半岛最有秩序也最富有的邦国。不过,他也记载说,自从英国新开辟了新加坡港口,彭亨的金矿和锡矿都以海路为主,不再取道马六甲陆路运输。

 ① Newbold, T. J,1839. Political and Statistical Account of the British Settlements in the strait of Malacca, viz Penang, Malacca and Singapore; with the History of Malayan States on the Peninsula of Malacca,Vol.II . London: John Murray,pp.56-57.


(摘自:王琛发:英属以前彭亨华人史记: 海洋经贸视域下的中外文献解读;作者简介:中国闽南师范大学“闽江学者”讲座教授;马来西亚韩江传媒大学学院中华研究院特聘教授;原載:韩大学术丛刊第一种)

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on March 2, 2024 at 8:21pm


首屆「一帶一路」語言服務國際學術研討會在阿拉木圖召開

人民網阿拉木圖9月23日電(記者 謝亞宏)為紀念習近平主席2013年9月在哈薩克斯坦首提同世界各國共建「絲綢之路經濟帶」倡議3周年,加強「一帶一路」沿線各國語言學者的合作與交流,提升「一帶一路」沿線國家語言服務能力,江蘇師范大學和哈薩克斯坦阿裡-法拉比國立民族大學22日在哈薩克斯坦阿拉木圖舉辦了首屆「一帶一路」語言服務國際學術研討會。來自「一帶一路」沿線國家20多位學者,以及哈薩克斯坦民族大學150多位師生參加了會議。

本次會議的中方籌備組負責人、江蘇師范大學余光武教授在開幕式致辭中指出,「一帶一路」所有願景與規劃的實現,都要以語言相通為基礎,建設「一帶一路」,必須語言先行!提升語言服務能力,共築「一帶一路」願景,成為包括我國在內的沿線65國當前亟需開展的一項重要工作。

首屆「一帶一路」語言服務國際學術研討會開幕式演說人,馬來西亞海絲會創會人/會長陳明發博士分享「軟實力的敘事基礎:怎樣說好一帶一路故事?」心得後,與部分國際與會嘉賓合照。


基於此考慮,中哈兩校決定舉辦首屆「一帶一路」語言服務國際會議,藉此平台集聚沿線國家語言服務研究專家代表,共商各國「一帶一路」語言服務能力提升大計。開幕式後,來自哈薩克斯坦民族大學的蘇爾丹加裡耶娃教授、江蘇師范大學語言科學研究院王仁法副院長以及馬來西亞的陳明發博士,分別作了題為「中亞研究史中的哈薩克斯坦地位考察」、「『一帶一路』沿線國家語言國情與語言服務能力」及「軟實力的敘事基礎:怎樣說好一帶一路故事?」的大會演講。

其中的王仁法副院長的演講反響最為熱烈。演講中,結合數據分析,王院長提出,「一帶一路」語言種類繁多,大多數國家語言國情複雜,「一帶一路」語言服務能力亟需提升,解決此類問題需要各國語言學者共同努力,探索出一種科學高效的合作模式,本次會議正是探索這種模式的有益嘗試。在下午的研討會上,來自匈牙利、羅馬尼亞、格魯吉亞、馬其頓、拉脫維亞、烏茲別克斯坦等國語言服務研究專家及中哈兩國代表在會上分別介紹了各自國家的語言國情及語言服務現狀,探討了「一帶一路」背景下沿線各國漢語國際教育面臨的機遇與挑戰。

最後,余光武在總結中指出,本次會議的意義不僅僅是一次學術研討會,還應被視作一個「一帶一路」沿線國家語言學者參與到「一帶一路」這個關乎各國發展大計的工作平台。在這次會議上,我們各國代表將通過交流建立深入的合作和長久的聯系,以便開展後續的各國語言服務人才的培養交換、語言服務工具書的編纂以及語言文化研究等工作,為推動「一帶一路」願景在各國的實現做出特有貢獻。(責編:李雪峰(實習生)、楊牧)(2016年09月23日20:27 | 來源:人民網-國際頻道

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on February 22, 2024 at 7:08am

Hallyu and the Creative Industry – Can ASEAN Replicate South Korea’s Success?

South Korea owes a portion of its robust soft power to the careful cultivation and development of its creative industries, which brought about the worldwide phenomenon Korean Wave or Hallyu. Can ASEAN learn from South Korea’s creative industries to boost its own soft power?

BY FARLINA SAID, PUTERI NOR ARIANE YASMIN AND MUHAMMAD SINATRA

모든 게 궁금해 how’s your day [I’m curious about you, how’s your day]
Oh tell me (oh yeah oh yeah, ah yeh ah yeh)
뭐가 널 행복하게 하는지 [What makes you happy?]
Oh text me (oh yeah oh yeah, ah yeh ah yeh)

The simplicity of the above lyrics by the boyband BTS belies the extreme popularity that the group enjoys. The video clip of this song, entitled “Boy With Luv”, became the most watched video on YouTube within 24 hours upon release. The song also played heavily in Malaysia’s airwaves and inspired a series of advertisements in Bahasa Indonesia, starring the K-pop idols themselves. BTS recorded over US$500 million in revenue last year, while its members became millionaires after the group’s parent company entered into an initial public offering (IPO) in September 2020. Their secret weapon: a massive ecosystem of loyal fans who not only generate revenue from the purchase of music, concert tickets and merchandise, but also render services to promote the band’s image and a wide array of products.

(Hallyu and the Creative Industry – Can ASEAN Replicate South Korea’s Success? by Farlina Said, Puteri Nor Ariane Yasmin and Muhammad Sinatra;they are Analysts in Foreign Policy and Security Studies (FPSS), ISIS Malaysia,Source: https://www.isis.org.my

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on February 21, 2024 at 7:34am

As part of the larger Korean Wave or Hallyu scene, BTS and other such phenomena as Crash Landing on You, Parasite and Pengsoo have generated great following in many parts of the world, including Southeast Asia.

The impact of Hallyu extends beyond the creative industry. The total of Hallyu-related exports amassed to US$12.3 billion in 2019, involving sales of such consumer goods as tour programmes, cosmetics and groceries. In the same year, tourists seeking K-pop or the Hallyu experience accounted for 23.3% of tourists visiting South Korea.

These prove that Hallyu carries more than just entertainment value. It is a testament of South Korea’s soft power, economic might and confidence to engage the rest of the world.

Acknowledging the size and success of South Korea’s creative industry, can the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organisation learn from the former in projecting soft power?

To answer this question, we need to understand that South Korea’s ability to consolidate the creative industry and national identity is not accidental, but by design of the national government.

The creative industry was consistently a feature in the policies of multiple administrations. First and foremost, it grew on the back of globalisation under the framework set by Kim Young-sam. The 1994 Presidential Advisory Board on Science and Technology then focused on the impact of the total revenue made by the film Jurassic Park, which was equivalent to 1.5 million Hyundai cars at the time. This spurred the interest to promote the creative industry.

However, it would be Kim Dae-jung’s pursuit of the self-proclaimed “President of Culture” title that actually set policy objectives in motion. This was further enhanced by the Lee Myung-bak administration’s “Global Korea” campaign on cultural diplomacy, which aimed to promote South Korea’s national brand abroad. The creative industry has since served as the basis of maintaining a strong national identity, tying cultural exports to economic gains and soft power projections.

This formula appears to be resilient, as the COVID-19 pandemic seems to enhance demand for South Korean content. One projection even estimates a 3.3% increase in export volume by the end of 2020 – if true, the pandemic’s effects appear to be bearable. Nevertheless, the resilience of the creative industry has been evident over the past 13 years, with creative goods recording 7% of growth in the midst of a downturn in global trade.

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on February 20, 2024 at 8:10am

The significance of South Korea’s success lies in the amalgamation of national identity and entrepreneurship. The Korean creative industry covers a wide range of sectors, including games, animation, broadcasting and others, aside from just music and movies. In each of these, the promotion of national identity, whether it is traditions, values, language or culture, is inherent in all content.

For instance, SuperM has released songs in English that also contain Korean words. Moreover, K-drama episodes regularly project an image of a developed, modern, traditional yet technologically advanced South Korea. Additionally, the games industry was promoted from a desire to develop Korea as a high-tech knowledge-based nation.

Creative industries have also proliferated in ASEAN Member States (AMS). The Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand, for example, have established frameworks or agencies aimed at promoting their national creative industry, drawing from a number of such cultural products as food, services and music, among others.

The question, then, is whether there is a foundation for an ASEAN attempt at replicating the South Korean model of creative industries to promote a region-wide identity and support the industries of each AMS.

Three challenges immediately arise.

One, South Korea’s approach builds on a nation-identifying and nation-building strategy that is aimed at both a domestic and international audience. This may not be convenient for ASEAN, which comprise 10 multicultural countries. Such a strategy is easier to achieve in a more homogenous environment such as South Korea.

Furthermore, AMS have also traditionally been nationalistic and the issue of culture often struck sensitive nerves, resulting in tension among them. With the countries potentially becoming more inward-looking and protectionist during and after the pandemic, AMS might have reservations towards opening up their creative industries with each other.

Two, there are different market types and sizes in ASEAN, which then impact the various levels of development of creative industries in the region. Will a single strategy to boost ASEAN’s creative economy suffice if all AMS have diverse markets and are experiencing various levels of development?

Therefore, despite there being elements of the South Korean strategy that could assist ASEAN in projecting a region-wide identity and soft power better, whose identity and soft power will it be? Will an ASEAN strategy project soft power according to each individual member state, or will it project a cohesive, regional ASEAN soft power?

There are ways for ASEAN to navigate around these challenges.

It is not necessary for ASEAN to decide between homogeneity or multiculturalism. A balance can be struck between the two. On the one hand, the bloc could use a common language as a unifying factor, particularly for gaming and broadcasting products. Given multiple ASEAN languages and the lack of a language policy in the region, English is a natural choice.

On the other hand, the strategy for an ASEAN creative industry could also celebrate its multiculturalism. Instead of it being a limitation, ASEAN’s diversity could be seen as an asset that can be used to mobilise multi-dimensional cultural content across its multiple audiences. Technology and digitalisation can also support this. For example, the format of the singing competition Asia Bagus could be revived in the digital space during this pandemic, showcasing talents from multiple AMS to anyone plugged to the Internet.

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on February 19, 2024 at 5:37pm

Moreover, establishing a digital single market in ASEAN could also work in favour of the creative industries. The framework adopted by the European Union in 2015 allows creators to produce, distribute and be recompensed for their content while also resolving arising intellectual property rights issues. ASEAN should consider this option if creative industries were to flourish here.

Like everything else in ASEAN, perhaps it is easier to focus on available low-hanging fruits in this context. Several specific lessons from South Korea’s creative industries should be considered, especially with the pandemic in the backdrop.

First, the South Korean example shows that creative industries are resilient in times of crisis, as evidenced by acts or performers moving their concerts online or games providing an escapism outlet.

There is an opportunity to be harnessed as the “new normal” setting pushes many human activities to the digital space. With 400 million Internet users in the region, the digitalisation of industries has become a new source of economic growth in the ASEAN region, for example, telecommuting, telemedicine and e-commerce among others.

Officials responsible for the Culture and Arts sector under the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) must wrest this momentum to push AMS’ creative industries further to the digital space, not only in the interest of promoting content, but also to ensure the economic survival of performers, producers and other industry players during this harsh climate.

Second, South Korea understands the potential of youths, with creative industries constantly producing contents targeting them.

AMS seem to also understand this as evidenced by developments to include youths in creative industries. In Malaysia, for example, millennials appear to be driving the boom for the eSports industry – at the helm of which was a millennial then-Minister of Youth and Sports who fought for budget allocation to this industry.

The pandemic should be a wake-up call to further consider the potential of ASEAN youths in creative industries. There are nearly 220 million youths in ASEAN and a recent survey by the World Economic Forum found that they are resilient individuals who are able to adapt to the post-pandemic world.

Furthermore, 87% of youths recorded an increase in the usage of digital tools during the pandemic. Linked to the previous point, it seems that moving towards digitalisation is a safe bet for creative industries, considering the available talent and pool of demand that the youths can provide.

The fanfare that Southeast Asians threw when Parasite won the Oscar this year was a clear testament of the potent soft power that South Korea has. Despite it being the sole achievement of South Korea’s creative industry, the people of this region also shared the shock, excitement and incredulity from this momentous achievement. Although it might be difficult for ASEAN to fully replicate the South Korean model of combining national identity and entrepreneurship, there are other lessons that ASEAN could learn to promote its creative industries. The Parasite dream might be distant, but a fellow Asian country demonstrates that it is not impossible.

Hallyu and the Creative Industry – Can ASEAN Replicate South Korea’s Success? by Farlina Said, Puteri Nor Ariane Yasmin and Muhammad Sinatra;they are Analysts in Foreign Policy and Security Studies (FPSS), ISIS Malaysia,Source: https://www.isis.org.my

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on February 5, 2024 at 3:49pm


Note by Dr Tan Beng Huat

The Cultural and Creative Industry offers a powerful strategy for communities to unlock the greater value of their natural and historical assets, ultimately enhancing their standard of living and fostering mutual understanding. It's essential to establish shared spaces where continuous dialogue and action can take place, aimed at bolstering intercultural exchanges and cultural diplomacy. This involves supporting technology, global trade, local residency, and production in a mutually reinforcing manner. [NOTE 1 5.2.2024]

Comment by 私貨珍藏 on February 3, 2024 at 12:01pm


Lap of Luxury – Origin & Meaning by Candace Osmond

What does lap of luxury mean? I can assure you it doesn’t involve a luxury lap pool or a lap-sized serving of luxury chocolates. We use this phrase in English to describe a condition of amazing comfort and extravagance. So, let’s dive into the plush cushions of this idiom, explore its origin, and look at some alternative ways to say it and how to use it in a sentence.

The idiom lap of luxury is meant to describe a state of opulence or extravagant comfort. Picture this: lounging on a sun-kissed beach, sipping cocktails, with no worries in the world. That’s the lap of luxury. It’s where many of us aspire to be, but few find ourselves.

I often think of my trip to Cuba years ago. I’d just had my second kid, and work was crazy, so the trip was well-deserved. We stayed at a five-star resort, had zero responsibilities or places to be, and food and drinks were brought to us by the pool each day. That was the lap of luxury, and I’ll never forget it!

(Source: https://grammarist.com)

愛墾網 是文化創意人的窩;自2009年7月以來,一直在挺文化創意人和他們的創作、珍藏。As home to the cultural creative community, iconada.tv supports creators since July, 2009.

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