Comment

Comment by 陳老頭 on December 7, 2021 at 5:41pm

（con't）Since modern society is inauthentic, those modern seekers who desire to overcome the opposition between their authenticity-seeking self and society have to look elsewhere for authentic life. The quest for authenticity thus becomes a prominent motif of modern tourism, as MacCannell (1973, 1976) so incisively showed. However, here is also found the source of the confusion which the unexplicated use of this term introduced into tourism studies. In Mac Cannell's writings, as indeed in those of the researchers who followed his line of analysis (e.g., Redfoot 1984), the "quest for authenticity" is a "primitive" concept, which is at best illustrated, but left undefined. However, one appears to understand intuitively what is meant by it. It is a quest for that unity between the self and societal institutions, which endowed pre-modern existence with "reality" (Berger 1973:85). The alienated modern tourist in quest of authenticity hence looks for the pristine, the primitive, the natural, that which is as yet untouched by modernity. He hopes to find it in other times and other places (MacCannell 1976:160), since it is absent from his own world.

The difficulty with this use of the concept of "authenticity" in tourism studies is that it is a philosophical concept which has been uncritically introduced into sociological analysis. Furthermore, in tourism studies, the concept is used to characterize a criterion of evaluation used by the modern tourist as observer. The question, whether the "tourees" observed by the tourist at all possess such a concept, and if so, which traits of their own culture they consider to be "authentic" is rarely, if ever raised. Finally, the social analyst is tacitly assumed to understand the tourist's quest for "authenticity" because both belong to the modern world; they both appear to conceive of "authenticity" in similar, unproblematic terms. "Authenticity" thus takes up a given or "objective" quality attributable by moderns to the world "out there." The only apparent difference between the tourist and the social analyst is that the latter is more circumspect than the former. He is therefore assumed tb-)be able to penetrate beyond appearances, and discover the deception of "staged authenticity" (MacCannell 1973) perpetrated by the tourees, or the tourist establishment. The unsuspecting tourist, who is less sophisticated and knowledgeable than the analyst, is assumed to be taken in by such prevarications. It then follows that, if the tourist had the analyst's debunking knowledge, he would reject the "staged authenticity" of the

sights as contrived and lacking in authenticity. MacCannell and others who adopted his conceptual framework did not raise the possibility that the tourist and social analyst may conceive of authenticity in different terms.

In contrast to MacCannell, it is suggested that "authenticity" is a socially constructed concept and its social (as against philosophical) connotation is, therefore, not given, but "negotiable." The manner of the negotiation of its meaning should hence ?e made a major topic in the sociological and anthropological study of tourism. Several specific issues have to be distinguished.

 

Differential Conceptions of Authenticity                           

According to Trilling (197    •93) the provenance of the word "authenticity" " . . . is in the museuih, where persons expert in such matters test whether objects of art [and by extension, ethnographic objects] are what they appear to be or are claimed to be, and therefore . . . worth the admiration they are being given." The approah to "authenticity" current until recently among cutators and ethno  aphers will hence help to clarify the socially constructed nature of the concept. 

Comment by 陳老頭 on December 2, 2021 at 12:49pm

（Con't）One of the paradoxes of the progressive professionalization of curators of primitive and ethnic art in the world's museums has been that a growing number of objects were declared to be "fakes," not because any new information had been discovered on the objects themselves, but rather because the connotation of the concept of fakery had been gradually extended. "Purist" curators and art historians tended to conceive of authenticity in primitive and ethnic art in ever more rigorous terms. Thus, McLeod, the director of the Museum of Mankind and an expert of African art, defined "genuine" (i.e., authentic) African art as" . . . any piece made from traditional materials by a native craftsman for acquisition and use by members of local society (though not necessarily by members of his own group) that is made and used with no thought that it ultimately may be disposed of for gain to Europeans or other aliens" (McLeod 1976:31).

Another author, also discussing African art, declared as authentic "Any object created for a traditional purpose and by a traditional artist . . . ," but only if it " . . . conforms to traditional forms" (Cornet 1975:52, 55; emphases in the original). Like McLeod, Cornet also argues that, in order to be acceptable as authentic, the product should not be manufactured "specifically for the market" (1975:52).

Both authors hence emphasize the absence of commoditization as a crucial consideration in judgments of authenticity. It is noteworthy that Cornet proposes his definition despite his observation that there are cases where " . . . fakes [i.e., inauthentic objects] have become authen-
tic" (197.5:54), and cites as example objects produced by African artisans, in the past, for European patrons.

Such strict attitude  to authenticity, while in one sense professional, reflect in another the general modern preoccupation with authenticity which, indeed, appears to have contributed to the growing rigour of professional attitudes. Authenticity, for curators and ethnographers, is principally a quality of pre-modern life, and of cultural products produced prior to the penetration of modern Western influences: hence the common emphasis on cultural products which were "hand made" from "natural" materials. This emphasis obviously reflects the alienation of modern man from artificial and machine-made products. "The machine . . . could  make  only  inauthentic things,  dead  things . . " (Trilling 1972:127). The same is essentially true for those anthropologists who, in quest of an "ethnographic present," seek to recapture the society and culture of the people whom they study as these had been before the "contaminating" c9ntact with the Western world.

Here too, scientific consensus mingles with the more personal, modern quest for the "pristine" and "authentic." Curators, ethnographers, and anthropologists thus constitute the most fitting prototypes of Mac Cannell's tourist who seek authenticity in other times and other places. Redfoot (1984:299-301), indeed, classifies anthropologists as "third-order tourists" who, according to Levi-Strauss, " . . . reject the artifices in their own culture and seek an alternative reality in 'quest"; once there, however, they (unlike Redfoot's "fourth-order tourists") " . . . refrain from "going native" (1984:300). The anthropologist, thus " . . . digs deeper [than other tourists] in a quest for authenticity . . . " though, his quest " . . . is doomed to failure because of the subjective distancing from the 'primitive' built into the anthropologist's role" (1984:301).(Erik Cohen, 1988, Authenticity & Commodization in Tourism, Annals of Burtsm &march, Vol. 15, pp. 371-386, 1988)

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 28, 2021 at 9:57am

(con't) Anthropologists, like curators and ethnographers, even if para-Anthropologists, like curators and ethnographers, even if paradigmatic of the modern tourist, appear to entertain more rigorous criteria of authenticity than do ordinary members of the/traveling pub-lic. They belong to the wider category of modern, alienated intellectu-als— indeed, their alienation from modernity often induces them to choose their respective professions.Alienation may well be a structural consequence of the pluralization of modern life-worlds and the "weightlessness" of modern institutions (Berger 1973; Berger et al 1973). However not all moderns are personal-?ly equally alienated or aware of their alienation. Those who continue to identify unreflectively with one or another of the centers of modernity such as the work-ethic or the ethos of material and occupational achievement, are personally less alienated than those who are not so identified. Those who are disposed to reflect upon their life-situation are more aware of their alienation than those who do not tend to such contemplation.Intellectuals, here exemplified by curators, ethnographers, and an-thropologists, will be generally more alienated, and more aware of their alienation, than the rank-and-file middle-classes, and especially the lower middle class, who still strive to attain the material gains which those beyond them already enjoy.Alienation and the qUest for authenticity, however, appear to be positively related (cf. Cohen 1979a:181-2). It follows that intellectuals and other more alienated individuals will engage on a more serious quest of authenticity than most rank-and-file members of society. It is hypothesized further that, the greater their concern for authenticity, the stricter will be the criteria by which they conceive of it. Less alienated and hence less concerned individuals, including most rank-and-file tourists, will be content with much wider, less strict criteria of authen-ticity. This was probably meant by Nettekoven (1973) when he argued that "tourists are not ethnologists" and by Desai (1974:3), when he observed 'that the tourist is not a "stickler for authenticity."However, though most tourists may not seek "'authentic' experiences in any ethnographic sense," Goldberg.(1983:486) cautions that "neither are they content with mere entertainment " Tourists indeed ap-pear to seek authenticity in varying degrees of intensity, depending on the degree of their alienation from modernity. 1Following the preceding analysis, it can be argued that they will also c nceive "authenticity" in different degrees of strictness. In other words,  ndividuals who are less concerned with the authenticity of their tourist'  e .eriences, will be more prepared to accept as "authentic" a cultural pro uct or attraction which more concerned tourists, applying stricter cr), eria, will reject as "contrived."This argument can be restated in terms of the author's earlier typology of "modes of touristic experience" (Cohen 1979a; In Pressb) in which five types. of such modes were proposed, according to the depth of experience the individual seeks in tourism. 

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 26, 2021 at 4:10pm

（con't）Tourism typically involves some encounter with the "Other." Theteeper the experience sought by the tourist, the more strongly, will he tend to embrace this "Other," and to turn it into his "elective center." But, since the salience of that Other-turned-Center thereby increases for the tourist, his concern with its authenticity will grow proportionately. This, in turn, will induce the tourist to adopt stricter criteria for the judgement of authenticity than do those tourists for whom the experience is less salient. It follows that"existential" tourists (Cohen 1979a:189-192), who tend spiritually to abandon modernity and embrace the Other as their elective center and, as it were, "switch worlds" (Berger and Luckmann 1966:144), or "go native" (Redfoot 1984:299 ff) will be the most "purist" of tourists. They will strive to move furthest away from the beaten track and to get in most closely with the natives (e.g., Blakeway 1980; Schneebaum1970). In that, they resemble the anthropologist, curator, and ethnog-rapher. However, unlike the latter, they do not take up the attitude of subjective detachment (Redfoot 1984:299) to the cultural products they encounter. While their experience may thus be fuller and more sponta-neous, they also lack the professional attitude and critical capacity necessary to determine whether the traits by which they determine the "authenticity" of an object or an attraction are genuine or false. Hence they will more easily fall prey to sophisticated forms of covertly "staged authenticity" (MacCannell 1973). Here, the locals or the tourist estab-lishment "stage" precisely those aspects of the cultural product which serve the existential tourists as marks of authenticity, according to their own, strict criteria. Indeed, authenticity-eager tourists like Holland-er's (1981) "political pilgrims," may tend to idealize the destination, and thus eagerly embrace as genuine the very prevarications with which they are served. This kind of staging is particularly insidious, because it acts upon the profound will to believe of serious tourists, and not on the make-believe attitude of the more frivolous ones. The disenchant-ment of such existential tourists may therefore be particularly bitter (cf. Cohen 1979a:196).The further one moves down the scale of modes of touristic experi-ences, the less strict the criteria of authenticity employed by the tourist will tend to become. The criteria of "experimental" tourists who experi-ment with various potential elective centers (Cohen 1979a:189) will still resemble those of existential tourists. "Experiential" tourists (Cohen 1979a:186-8), who seek to participate vicariously in the authentic life of others, will also tend to employ fairly strict criteria of authenticity, close to those of "existential" tourists. However, "recreational" tourists (Cohen 1979a:183-5), who seek in the Other mainly enjoyable restora-tion and recuperation, and hence tend to approach the cultural prod-ucts encountered on their trip with a playful attitude of make-believe (Cohen 1985), will entertain much broader criteria of authenticity. Indeed, they might well be prepared playfully to accept a cultural product as authentic, for the sake of the experience, even though "deep down" they are not convinced of its authenticity (Cohen 1985:295: cf. also Goldberg 1983:485). Hence, a less ingenuous "staging of authen-ticity" will be sufficient to make this kind of tourist accept a product as authentic— though their conviction of its authenticity will also-be less deep than that of "existential" tourists. Finally, "diversionary" tourists (Cohen 1979a:185-6) who seek mere diversion and oblivion on their trip, will remain totally in equanimity and unconcerned with the prob-lem of authenticity of their experiences.

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 22, 2021 at 9:46pm

(Con't) In the view of some experts on ethnic art (e.g., Willett 1976), authenticity and falseness are not a dichotomous pair of concepts. Rather, there exists a continuum leading from complete authenticity, through various stages of partial authenticity, to complete falseness. The question therefore arises: Which are the diacritical traits which, for a given individual, in particular a tourist, Make a cultural product acceptable as "authentic"? The question here is not whether the individual does or does not "really" have an authentic experience in Mac Cannell's (1973) sense, -but rather what endows his experience with authenticity in his own view. Thus one can follow Gottlieb's approach: she " . . . assumes that the vacationers' own feelings and views about vacations are 'authentic,' whether or not the observer judges them to match the host culture" (Gottlieb 1982: 168). However, while Gottlieb does not make any further inquiries into the bases of tourists' feelings and views, it is proposed here to open these to investigation. According to the approach developed above, tourists will differ in the number and kinds of traits necessary to their mind to authentic cultural product.

As the preceding section notes, for tourist professional expert, only a cultural product which appear authentic in all of its varied aspects, would be acceptable as "authentic." This may also be the case with deeply concerned tourists. Thus, on one of the trekking lips in which this author participated in the course of his study of the penetration of tourism into the hill-tribe area of northern Thailand, a French tourist, a teacher by profession, complained about the fact that the people in a tribal village, which had been opened to tourism only a few weeks earlier, used industrially produced plastic cups instead of indigenously produced bamboo cups. The mere adoption of plastic cups, although unrelated to the penetration of tourism, already offended his sense of cultural authenticity.

While this kind of tourist often serves as the prototype of the ideal tourist, he is, statistically speaking, a minority among the huge population of contemporary mass tourism. Such a demand for "total authenticity" will be most prominent among "existentia," or "experimental" tourists, seriously concerned with the Other, as/at least a potential elective center.

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 21, 2021 at 5:23pm

(Con't) The vast majority of tourists do not demand such a "total authenticity!" Even "experiential" tourist , though seriously concerned with the authenticity of their experience, entertaining strict criteria for judgments of authenticity, will often fo us in such judgments on some traits of the cultural product and, disregard others. Hence, they will be prepared to accept a cultural *duct as authentic, insofar as traits, which they consider to be diacritical, are judged by them to be authentic. These traits are then considered sufficient for the authentization of the product as a whole. One could say that they symbolize metonymically the authenticity of the tourist-oriented cultural product as a whole. °Therefore, such tourists will accept a commercialized object as "authentic," insofar as they are convinced that it is indeed ornamented with "traditional" designs and "hand made" by members of an ethnic group (even though it may have been made of different materials or, in a different form than the "traditional" product and was produced expressly for the market). They may similarly accept as "authentic" a commercialized replication of local customs, such as a dance or a ritual, in so far as it is performed identically by members of the local group, as is its non-commercialized counterpart. A recent

study by Moscardo and Pearce (1986) provides some empirical evidence on this point. They have studied visitors perceptions of Australian historic theme parks. Since such parks "preserve or restore some aspects of a nation's or a region's heritage" (1986:471), they are almost by definition not "authentic" in Mac Cannell's sense. However, the visitors generally did perceive them as "authentic"— in the sense of being accurate reconstructions of Australia's past (1986:474-6), rather than genuine historical remains. Contrary to the authors' claim (1986:472), park operators— and some tourists— appear thus to be using the word "authenticity" differently from social scientists. However, the point of this. argument is that by accepting a particular trait of the site, namely "verissimilitude," as authenticating the site as a whole, the tourists become neither superficial fools satisfied with the spurious, in Boorstin's (1964) sense, nor victims of a prevaricating touristic establishment which "stages" authenticity in Mac Cannell's (1973) sense.

Recreational tourists, whose concern with authenticity is relatively low, may well accept even a substantially staged product and experience as "authentic." This would not be necessarily because they have been misled by the staging, but because even the faintest vestige of, or resemblance to what experts would consider an "authentic" trait of the product, may suffice for them to play the make-believe game of having an "authentic" experience. Therefore, such tourists may playfully consent to buy fake products or experiences as if they were genuine, merely because their resemblance to the genuine thing gives these tourists an inkling of authenticity. The recreation which Gottlieb's (1982) tourists derive from being a "King for a Day" or a "Peasant for a Day," one may argue, derives from their feeling "how it must have been to be a king (or a peasant)"; even though they are perfectly aware of the fact that their own, purchased experience has been staged for their benefit.

Finally, diversionary tourists may enjoy touristic products even if these are, in their own view, completely contrived, insofar as they appeal to them merely as "funny," "cute," or "lovely." A good example of such a product is a pair of embracing monkeys with sun-glasses, made of coconut shells, which are sold in touristic destinations all over southern Thailand, but are totally unrelated to any aspect of local Thai culture, except perhaps that monkeys serve as coconut-pickers in that part of Thailand.

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 20, 2021 at 3:25pm

Emergent Authenticity

Since authenticity is not a primitive given, but negotiable, one has to allow for the possibility of its gradual emergence in the eyes of visitors to the host culture. In other words, a cultural product, or a trait thereof, which is at one point generally judged sa contrived or inauthentic may, in the course of time, become generally recognised as authentic, even by experts, as Cornet's (1975:54) equivocation quoted above demonstrates. Thus, for example, an apparently contrived, tourist-oriented festival (such as the Raymi Festival Cuzco, a "revival" of an ancient Incaic custom) may in due time accepted as an "authentic" local custom. Similarly, craft products only produced merely for sale to visitors and tourists, may eventually become "authentic" products of an ethnic group or region — as happened with, for example, the Eskimo soapstone carvings (Graburn 1976b) or the Haida argillite carvings (Kaufmann 1976). Greenwood (1982:27) remarked that "all viable cultures are in the process of 'making themselves up' all the time." One could call this process "emergent authenticity," just as a parallel process in the ethnic realm was termed "emergent ethnicity" (Yancey et al 1976).

"Emergent authenticity" stresses one aspect or refers to one manifestation, of the wider phenomenon of "invention of tradition," whose ubiquitousness has been so impressively documented in Hobsbawm and Ranger's (1983) volume. In principle it is possible for any new-(angled gimmick, which at one point appeared to be nothing but a staged "tourist trap," to become over time, and under appropriate conditions, widely recognized as an "authentic" manifestation of local culture.

One can learn about this process of gradual "authentication" from the manner in which the American Disneylands, once seen as the supreme example of contrived popular entertainment-, became over time a vital component of contemporary American culture (e.g., Johnson 1981; King 1981). They will, no doubt, in the future be perceived even by historians and ethnographers, as an "authentic" American tradition (cf. Moore 1980).

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 20, 2021 at 3:23pm

One further point, closely related to the concept of "emergent authenticity" ought to be noted. The new, "external public" (Graburn 1976a; Shiloah and Cohen 1983:237) provided by the tourists, may offer an opportunity to the producers of cultural products to incorporate in them novel but "authentic" messages, differing from those incorporated in cultural products intended solely for the "internal" local or ethnic public. Thus, Silver (1979) claims to have detected such messages hidden in the apparently exaggerated, "exotic" features of commercialized African sculptures. This author also found such messages explicitly  stated  in  the  commercialized  figurative embroideries of Hmong (Meo) refugees from Laos (Cohen 1982b:41; Forthcoming). The Hmong from whose "traditional" arts fi   rative represent#tions were absent, nostalgically depict in these embroideries the richness of their traditional customs to the world at large, a as seek to  r w its attention to their sufferings in recent history and to  heir present dire predicament. Such messages thus become new cul ural exp  ssions, which are recognized as "authentic" even by experts such as anthropologists or ethnographers interested in cultural change.

COMMODITIZATION

"Commoditization" is a process by which things (and activities) come to be evaluated primarily in terms of their exchange value, in a context of trade, thereby becoming goods (and services); developed exchange systems in which the exchange value of things (and activities) is stated in terms of prices form a market. Though trade systems and gift systems were apparently even in the past less unequivocally segregated than previously claimed, markets have expanded throughout the world in the modern era, bringinA,about the commoditization of an ever wider range of things and actin ties (cf. Appadurai 1986). The principal question in ,this context is, what happens to the other meanings (particularly religious, cultural, and social) of things (and activities) once they become commoditized, particularly under the impact of tourism.

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 20, 2021 at 3:10pm

(Con't) It is generally the case that "Dealings with strangers . . . provide contexts for the commoditization of things that are otherwise protected from commoditization" (Appadurai 1986:15). Tourists in the modern world are particularly ubiquitous types of strangers, notorious for their propensity to precipitate, directly or indirectly, the commoditization of an ever wider range of things (and activities), many of which have been kept out of the domain of the market prior to the penetration of tourism, by rigorous normative prohibitions and taboos.

According to Greenwood (1977), who made one of the first studies of commoditization of culture through tourism, the commoditized cultural products lose in the process their intrinsic meaning and significance for the local people, who in turn lose their enthusiasm for producing them. Thus, Greenwood argues, as the public ritual of the Alarde in the Spanish-Basque town of Fuenterrabia became a major touristic attraction, and the authorities declared that it should be performed twice on the same day to accommodate the large number of visitors, the local participants lost interest in it. Consequently, " . . . the municipal government was considering payments to people for their participation in the Alarde? . . . just as the gypsies are paid to dance and the symphony orchestra is paid to make music. The ritual has become a performance for money. The meaning is gone" (Greenwood 1977:135). In other words, the once "authentic" public ritual became a staged performance, a cultural "commodity."

Such processes of commoditization of culture for touristic purposes are doubtlessly quite common all over the Third World and in the ethnic areas of both Western and Communist countries. Rituals, ceremonies, costumes, and folk arts may all be subjected to commoditization. Moreover, since the process is frequently initiated by culture brokers and touristic entrepreneurs from outside the local community, it may well lead to the exploitation of the locals and of their cultural resources by outsiders. Finally, the process of commoditization also tends to affect the cultural products themselves. As they become increasingly oriented to an "external public," rituals may be shortened, embellished, or otherwise adopted to the tastes of the tourists (cf. Boorstin 1964:103). Art and craft products may also be changed in form, materials, or colors (cf. Cohen 1983), " . . . in response to the impositions or temptations from large-scale and sometimes far-away consumers" (Appadurai 1986:47) such as in the case of "indirect tourism" (Aspelin 1977). Indeed, the emerging genre of "tourist arts" (Appadurai 1986:47; Cohen 1983; Graburn ed. 1976) is perhaps the most salient example of the commoditization of a range of cultural products through tourism.

All these developments and sometimes radical changes in the form and content of the commoditized goods and services notwithstanding, however, Greenwood's categorical assertion that, once a cultural product is commoditized "the meaning is gone," appears to be an over-
generalization. Counter-examples may be easily found. For example, folk musicians, who play for money Iv an external audience, may be excited by the opportunity to present-their art and proud to display their competence.

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 17, 2021 at 1:58pm

(Con't) There is no reason to assume that their music lost all meaning for them, merely because they have been paid for performing it. It would be absurd to argue that all popular music is meaningless for the artists merely because it is commercialized. Greenwood appears to have assumed that the immediate negative reaction of the local population to the commoditization of the Alarde will become its permanent attitude to the festival. This assumption, however, contradicts an implication of his own later insight regarding "emergent authenticity," cited above. For, just as a new cultural product can become with time widely accepted as "authentic," so it can, although changed through commoditization, acquire a new meaning for its producers. Thus, what used to be a religiously meaningful ritual for an internal public, may become a culturally significant self-representation before an external public. Moreover, the two kinds of meanings are not necessarily mutually exclusive but could be additive: new meanings may be added to old ones, which persevere into the new situation. According to McKean (1976:241-3), Balinese ritual performances have three separate audiences, a divine, a local, and a touristic. :This last one does not necessarily spoil the meaning of the performance for the two others)"The touristic audience is appreciated for the economic assets it can bring . . . but its presence has not diminished the importance of performing competently for the other two audiences, the villagers and the divine realm" (1976:244). Moreover, if Balinese performances are staged specifically for tourists, " . . the funds, as well as the increased skills and equipment available have enriched the possibility that the indigenous performances will be done with more elegance, in effect conserving culture" (1976:244).

One has to bear in mind that commoditization often hits a culture not when it is flourishing, but when it is actually already in decline, owing to the impingement of outside forces preceding tourism. Under such circumstances, the emergence of a tourist market frequently facilitates the preservation of a cultural tradition which would otherwise perish. It enables its bearers to maintain a meaningful local or ethnic identity which they might otherwise have lost.   his is particularly the case in the sphere of folk arts and crafts, many o ich are in decline in Third World countries owing to the penetration o  industrial goods and Western consumer tastes— but some of which ha e been salvaged or revived through demand by the tourist market/ (cf. Graburn ed. 1976). Finally, even where a cultural tradition still flourishes, its cornmoditization may well be emically perceived by its members as less of a change than it appears to an external an . While to the external observer, commoditization may appear to involve a complete transformation of meaning as a cultural product s being reoriented to a new, external audience. In many situations of commoditization, the performers themselves do not necessarily perceive that such a transformation had in fact occurred. Rather, despite the changed context, they may perceive an often astonishing degree of continuity between the old and the new situation. Thus, performers of tourist-oriented Voodoo shows in Haiti, do still go into a trance (Goldberg 1983:488); and tourist-oriented prostitutes in Bangkok bring many traditional attitudes towards Thai men into their relationships with tourists (Cohen,  in press a). Local people frequently interpret novel situations in traditional terms, and thus perceive a continuity of cultural meaning which may escape the observer (cf. Smith 1982). 

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