文化有根 創意是伴 Bridging Creativity
陳明發的詩 2006《煤》
很久很久以前,我是一株大樹
只因為妳曾坐在軀幹上
迎着風飄長髮,即興唸幾節詩
我便愛上了妳
當我死去、倒下
我的枝幹和花果
世世代代隨地殼輪迴
一層層深卷岩土
高温巨壓無休止地日鍛夜烤
我喪失最後一絲空氣
一抹人世間的顏色
還一直掛着妳
依然發願腐殖成煤
有一天燃亮妳的燈
陪妳唸詩
(30.7.2006)
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Albums: In Search of My Senses 追隨感官
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克里斯蒂瓦:數字社會普遍人文主義
面對外國人和超然存在(它們是我們數字時代社會心理和政治架構的兩大支柱),我一直在質詢人文主義的失敗。外國人常常被民族主義者恐懼,無論是出於實際的恐懼,還是因為他們往往被當作國家內部失敗的替罪羊。此外,在新興的互聯網公共領域中,國家級技術精英們很難有效地滿足公民網絡用戶對理想和信仰的需求,因為這些需求很難被准確地翻譯和傳達。然而,這兩種人類需求仍然普遍存在。
民族國家仍然是被「不存在的國家」吞噬的新人類的最佳容器嗎?我的答案是「是的」。民族國家可以被看作是一種抗抑郁劑,只要它能與整體、區域和文化群體(例如歐洲)建立聯系。然而,這種聯系的代價是什麼?
它要求與整體、區域和文化群體(例如歐洲)建立聯系,但在這種聯系中不應再排除其他的「人類」存在。然而,為了重新獲得這種聯系,民族國家必須重新審視和闡釋構成宗教的記憶,並重新建立起從宗教中分裂出來的普遍主義人文主義(universalist humanism),同時質疑它自身,質疑那些宗教信仰。
在原始社會中,「外來者」被視為敵人,那麼在現代社會中,他們是否可以消失?全球化和虛擬技術的發展殘酷地喚起了這種根本的陌生感,無論我們以什麼方式成為定居者——從身體上扎根於某個地方,或被流放——都或多或少地治愈了「外來性」(foreignness)。
一旦人類開始尋求一個不存在的國家作為他們的歸屬,那麼超越群體、家庭、宗族、制度和國家的普遍性問題就必然浮現出來。這對民族主義專制主義(nationalist absolutism)構成了挑戰,也對現代社會提出了問題。法國的世俗主義通過保持自然的普遍人性(沒有「神聖」的本質,正如美國《獨立宣言》所述)與國家公民之間的分離,為保障個體多樣的宗教經驗提供了一種途徑,並通過發展和實現人的普遍權利,基於自由、平等和博愛這三個要素逐漸消減了二元論的存在。
長期斗爭最終促成了男女之間的平等和均等,最近還見證了性別權利和婚姻權利的承認。然而,僅僅從我們的價值觀中制定道德准則尚且不夠。重要的是,要通過這個國家歷史上進行的斗爭敘事來支持這些價值觀,使自由、平等和博愛對那些缺乏這些價值觀的人具有意義。然而,這只是第一步。為了重建人文主義的普遍願景,關鍵是將這些價值觀融入每個人在全球化進程中的個性化經驗中。
我有一個弱點,我相信人文科學的發展,特別是精神分析的發展,希望重建人文主義的普遍目標。精神分析並非宗教的替代品。弗洛伊德並沒有要求人們對無意識的父權提出要求,精神分析也沒有宣稱一切都與「性」有關。它不提供一種模式,也不提供面對宗教狂熱的「保守良知」,更不提供信仰與理性之間的聯系。事實上,精神分析揭示了構成我們身份的激進「外來性」,它是可轉移的。它在對信仰的需求中發現了超越性,而信仰的需求又是認識欲望的基礎。「可轉移」意味著什麼呢?轉移是在分析者和被分析者之間建立的一種關係,「通過這種關係,我們意識到,有時,我們認為是自己的東西對我們來說是陌生的,而我們認為是陌生的東西有時卻是我們自己的」,這正是聖奧古斯丁對上帝的定義。(摘自:朱莉婭·克里斯蒂娃:《身處中心的個人》[The Individual Person at the Center]來源:《洛杉磯書評》[LARB],2020年3月19日,譯自帕特西·博杜安[Patsy Baudoin,MIT]的英譯本;陳榮鋼譯陳榮鋼 2023-08-02)
延續閱讀:From Creativity to Show 從創作枱走向舞台
唐代韓愈詩作·晚春
《晚春》是唐代文學家韓愈的詩作。此詩寫郊游即目所見之暮春景物。詩人運用擬人的修辭手法,描寫花草樹木得知春天不久就要歸去,想要留住它,於是使出渾身解數,吐豔爭芳,形成萬紫千紅、繁花似錦的景象,就連那乏色少香的楊花、榆莢也不甘寂寞,來湊熱鬧,因風起舞,化作雪飛,加入了留春的行列,表達了詩人惜春的思想感情,同時也蘊含應抓住時機,乘時而進,創造美好未來之意。全詩語言生動,亦莊亦諧,富含哲理。
晚春
草樹知春不久歸,百般紅紫斗芳菲。
楊花榆莢無才思,惟解漫天作雪飛。
詞句注釋
⑴不久歸:這裡指春天很快就要過去了。
⑵百般紅紫:即萬紫千紅,色彩繽紛的春花。斗芳菲:爭芳斗豔。
⑶楊花:指柳絮。北周庾信《春賦》:「新年鳥聲千種囀,二月楊花滿路飛。」榆莢(jiá):榆樹的果實。初春時先於葉而生,聯綴成串,形似銅錢,俗呼榆錢。《太平御覽》卷九五六引漢崔寔《四民月令》:「二月榆莢成者,收乾以為醬。」才思:才氣和思致。
⑷惟解:只知道。漫天:滿天。宋蘇軾《再和楊公濟梅花十絕》之九:「長恨漫天柳絮輕,只將飛舞佔清明。
白話譯文
花草樹木知道春天即將歸去,萬紫千紅競相展示美麗芳菲。
楊花榆莢沒有這種才華情思,只懂得像漫天白雪四處紛飛。
創作背景
此詩為《游城南十六首》中的一首,詩題一作「游城南晚春」,可知乃春游郊外時所作。錢仲聯《韓昌黎詩系年集釋》系此詩於唐憲宗元和十一年(816)。此時韓愈已年近半百。
整體賞析
這是一首描繪暮春景色的七絕。雖然詩只是寫百卉千花爭奇斗豔的場景,但寫得工巧奇特,別開生面。詩人不寫百花稀落、暮春凋零,卻寫草木留春而呈萬紫千紅的動人情景。詩人體物入微,發前人未得之秘,反一般詩人晚春遲暮之感,摹花草燦爛之情狀,展晚春滿目之風采。寥寥幾筆,便展示出滿眼風光,令人耳目一新的景象。
此詩熔景與理於一爐,在景物描寫中蘊含著人生哲理:詩人通過「草木」有「知」、惜春爭豔的場景描寫,反映的其實是自己對春天大好風光的珍惜之情。面對晚春景象,詩人一反常見的惜春傷感之情,變被動感受為主觀參與,情緒樂觀向上,很有新意。「楊花榆莢」不因「無才思」而藏拙,不畏「班門弄斧」之譏,避短用長,爭鳴爭放,為「晚春」添色。正是「柳絲榆莢自芳菲,不管桃飄與李飛」(《紅樓夢》林黛玉《葬花吟》),這勇氣非常可愛。這就給人以啟示:一個人「無才思」並不可怕,要緊的是珍惜光陰,不失時機,「春光」是不負「楊花榆莢」這樣的有心人的。
僅就描寫暮春景色而言,此詩可謂有情有趣,亦不落俗套。詩人全用擬人手法,糅人與花於一體,不說人之惜春,而說草樹亦知春將不久,因而百花爭豔,各呈芳菲。湊熱鬧的還有朴素無華的楊花榆莢,像飛雪一般漫天遍野地飄舞。人言草木無情,詩偏說它們有知,能「知」能「解」還能「斗」,而且還有「才思」高下有無之分。想象之奇,實為詩中所罕見。這是此詩明白有趣之處,堪稱平中翻新,頗富奇趣。
然而「無才思」三字頗怪異,遂引起後人諸多猜測。或謂勸人勤學,不要像楊花那樣白首無成;或謂隱喻人之無才,作不出好文章;或言有所諷喻;或言贊賞楊花雖無芳華,卻有情趣和勇氣。如果說此詩真有寓意,就應當是其中所含的一種生活哲理。從韓愈生平為人來看,他既是「文起八代之衰」的宗師,又是力矯元和輕熟詩風的奇險詩派的開山人物,頗具膽力。他能欣賞「楊花榆莢」的勇氣。此處或並非存心托諷,而是觀楊花飛舞而忽有所感觸,隨寄一點幽默的情趣。詩的妙處也在這裡。
此詩之寓意,見仁見智,不同的人生閱歷和心緒可能有不同的領悟。
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追隨感官[詩性] 1.6
作者簡介
韓愈(768—824),唐代文學家、哲學家。字退之,河南河陽(今河南孟州)人。自謂郡望昌黎,世稱韓昌黎。早孤,由兄嫂撫養,刻苦自學。貞元八年(792)進士。任監察御史,以事貶為陽山令。赦還後,曾任國子博士、刑部侍郎等職。參與平定淮西之役,又因諫阻憲宗奉迎佛骨,貶為潮州刺史。後官至吏部侍郎。卒謚「文」。政治書反對藩鎮割據,思想上尊儒排佛。力反六朝以來的駢偶文風,提倡散體,與柳宗元同為導古文運動的倡導者,並稱「韓柳」。其散文在繼承先秦、兩漢古文的基礎上,加以創新和發展,氣勢雄健,被列為「唐宋八大家」之首。其詩風奇崛雄偉,力求新警,有時流於險怪;又善為鋪陳,好發議論,有「以文為詩」之評:對宋詩影響頗大。有《昌黎先生集》。(百度)
What's in a name?
"Metaphors are the organizing tool for cultural communication and political discourse. No political or social change takes place without effective use of metaphor."
The Metaphor Project
(born at a Natural Step Open Space Conference in Berkeley, CA, 1997)
“Metaphors are a special form of presentation natural to many cultures. They are of unique importance as a means of communicating complex notions, especially in interdisciplinary and multicultural dialogue, as well as in the popularization of abstract concepts, in political discourse and as part of any creative process. They offer the special advantage of calling upon a pre-existing capacity to comprehend complexity, rather than assuming that people need to engage in lengthy educational processes before being able to comprehend.” (Governance through Metaphor Project)
Models, analogies and metaphors, from Physics to Poetry, of which involve a SourceTarget relationship. There is a translation from the established aura of facts, regularities, mechanisms and meaningsof the Source to those of the Target. This translation suggests a means of transferring inferences for the Source into inferences for the Target. (Paraphrased from Emergence-From Chaos to Order by John Holland)
What is the Spatial Turn? by Jo Guldi
What is a turn? Humanities scholars speak of a quantitative turn in history in the 1960s, a linguistic and cultural turn of the 1980s in history and literature, and even more recently an animal turn. Beyond the academy, to turn implies retrospection, a process of stopping in the road and glancing backwards at the way by which one has come.
May the weary traveler turn from life's dusty road and in the wayside shade, out of this clear, cool fountain drink, and rest-- R. E. Speer, “Robert Burns,” Nassau Literary Magazine 43 (1888): 469.
“Landscape turns” and “spatial turns” are referred to throughout the academic disciplines, often with reference to GIS and the neogeography revolution that puts mapping within the grasp of every high-school student. By “turning” we propose a backwards glance at the reasons why travelers from so many disciplines came to be here, fixated upon landscape, together. For the broader questions of landscape--worldview, palimpsest, the commons and community, panopticism and territoriality--are older than GIS, their stories rooted in the foundations of the modern disciplines. These terms have their origin in a historic conversation about land use and agency.
This essay documents the contributions of the university disciplines in the period from 1880 to 1960, a moment supremely fertile for academic discourse, when scholars in history, religion, and psychology reflected on our nature as beings situated in space. This spatial moment represented the flowering of social commitment on the part of public intellectuals who addressed the struggles over space that surrounded them. From the 1840s forward, much of western Europe was engaged in a conversation about land reform that pitted the new stewards of expert-led bureaucracy—civil engineers, urban planners, and foresters—against traditional communities and their intellectual spokespeople: Chartists Marxists, Fabians, and legal reformers.
From the 1880s forward, legal scholars, archaeologists and historians fixed on the history of the “commons” as a source of records about “community” where records about spatial practice disclosed notions of collective ownership rarely documented in the textual tradition. Public intellectuals like legal scholar Henry Maine, philosopher Ernst Cassirer, urban historian Lewis Mumford, journalist Walter Lippmann, and religious scholar Mircea Eliade combed through historical records, proposed theories of spatial experience, and promoted the terminology of “commons”, “palimpsest,” and “pseudoenvironment,” attempting to coin a universal language for describing spatial experience and its artificial manipulation.
(Source: https://spatial.scholarslab.org)
Related:
札哈哈蒂:房子能浮起來嗎?
In the decades that followed, literary scholars, art historians, and social historians drew on ethnographic methods to document the “worldview” by which collective societies brokered their relationship to land.
Only after 1970 did these languages begin the process of convergence, encouraged by the importation of French theory, in particular the work of Foucault, Lefebvre, de Certeau, and Virilio, which newly emphasized the power relations implicit in landscape under general headings like “abstract space”, place, and “symbolic place,” interpreted through new spatial metaphors like “panopticism.” The resultant spatial turn in literature and art history of the 1970s and 80s did not so much rewrite the old concerns as treat them with an attention to capitalism, surveillance, and power hitherto practiced only within the realm of social history.
(Traditional Chinese Junk Boatin Hong Kong 1984)
In departments of Geography, this vocabulary was elaborated into theories of the relationship between power and space “territoriality,” Massey's “power geometry,” and Harvey's “space-time compression.” In the social sciences and humanities, scholars returned to urban history and environmental studies with a renewed interest in the microcosms of everyday life and the macrocosms of global flows. These spatial impulses took a deeper hold with the influx of digital tools. Developed in the 1960s by the Canada Land Inventory, GIS was adapted for use in the social scientists and humanities. Beginning in the 1990s with the GIS survey of ancient Corinth, the uses of GIS began to tempt scholars in archaeology and economic history with a vision of rigorously measurable, infinitely sharable information. By enhancing the clarity with which scholars could speak of spatial problems, GIS encouraged the reopening of spatial questions in the disciplines.
Beyond the academy, GIS opened questions of vertigo-inspiring scale. By scraping spatial data from archives of unprecedented vastness, researchers stood a better chance than ever before of addressing problems of tremendous size. Cartographic projects like Saul Griffith’s maps of land use helped researchers to ask whether in the future we would indeed be able to depend entirely on renewable energy or would be necessarily forced into reckoning with nuclear options.
The spatial turn represents the impulse to position these new tools against old questions. In the pages of contemporary journals, sociologists turn back to Simmel, historians of technology to Mumford, and literary historians to Benjamin. We remember that every discipline in the humanities and social sciences has been stamped with the imprint of spatial questions about nations and their boundaries, states and surveillance, private property, and the perception of landscape, all of which fell into contestation during the nineteenth century. Reviewing the period of spatial emergence from 1880 to 1960 can help us understand the imprint of these questions and the direction that interdisciplinary collaboration may take in the spatial era of GIS.
What's in a name?
"Metaphors are the organizing tool for cultural communication and political discourse. No political or social change takes place without effective use of metaphor."
The Metaphor Project
(born at a Natural Step Open Space Conference in Berkeley, CA, 1997)
“Metaphors are a special form of presentation natural to many cultures. They are of unique importance as a means of communicating complex notions, especially in interdisciplinary and multicultural dialogue, as well as in the popularization of abstract concepts, in political discourse and as part of any creative process. They offer the special advantage of calling upon a pre-existing capacity to comprehend complexity, rather than assuming that people need to engage in lengthy educational processes before being able to comprehend.” (Governance through Metaphor Project)
Models, analogies and metaphors, from Physics to Poetry, of which involve a Source Target relationship. There is a translation from the established aura of facts, regularities, mechanisms and meanings of the Source to those of the Target. This translation suggests a means of transferring inferences for the Source into inferences for the Target. (Paraphrased from Emergence-From Chaos to Order by John Holland)
(Source: https://www.lap.org)
Related: Top 10 Lap Quotes
陳明發·詩性文旅
文旅,除了要考量:文化在那裡;還要考量:詩性在那裡。
在各種消費體驗高度同質化的時代,要使原來屬於原生態、地方特色的文化資源釋放能量,還需要詩性的——也就是創意地、審美的——周全詮釋與精彩表達。
舉歷史領域來説,歷史發現的新材料、深度叙事,大部分時候是學術圈的事,一般人不會有興致去閱讀那些文獻的。
文史工作者的敘說,則比較接地氣些。
而透過媒體如文學、圖像或影視等形式,則更讓人樂於接受。
現在社媒時代的短視頻應用程序,無疑讓很多過去看似很嚴肅的東西變得平易近人。
當然,這些絕大部分是用户非專業生產的內容,素質肯定参差不齊。
是故,若要把所分享的叙事體驗提昇到IP的階段,詩性開發有關文史敘事,是必下的苦工。
否則,只有流量,沒有儲量;只有數量,沒有能量,恐怕就談不上“文化生産了”。(17.1.2024)
短句養老
2019年讀睡曾經推過一期銀髮川柳,這種近似於大白話又不乏自黑樂觀精神的短詩非常受讀者喜歡。後來了解到,日本公益社團法人全國養老協會辦公室每年都會組織這種短詩大賽,每年都會産生很多這樣優秀的作品,按照各種主題結集成冊,在書店被大量銷售。
更早時候因工作需要我曾去日本考察他們的養老事業,先後去過長野縣、東京三鷹市、千葉縣、柏市等地方的養老機構參觀。日本的老齡化之名不虛傳,只有親身體驗過才會知道。
我們在長野縣拜訪的一家照護機構,他們的市場總監就是一位白髮蒼蒼的老爺爺,而機構內工作的許多護理工作人員,也基本都是五十歲左右的老阿姨。我注意到,即使在一些需要完全照護的機構裡面,他們的牆上,也總會貼滿老人們冩下的一些有趣的詩句。
在長野,完全日式的機構設計,推開一間和室的門,窗外就是碧綠的稻田,或是高聳入雲的長野的青山。看到這些稻田或者青山,忍不住就會想起日本歷史上的那些俳人和他們的俳句。
看着那些被當地人尊位神山的連綿山脈,你或許會想到種田山頭火的那句:“行不盡,行不盡,一路青山”。
而晚年回到故鄉長野縣的小林一茶則會説:“西山啊,哪朵雲霞乘了我”;又或者“春風啊,雖然草長得深,還是故鄉啊”;以及最經典的:“在櫻花盛開的異鄉樹下,沒有人是異鄉客”。
我來的季節正是酷夏,早就沒有櫻花,但在那些青山白雲下面,我也仿佛不那麼把這裡看做異鄉了。
川柳是發端於俳句的一種更爲自由的詩歌形式。周作人早在二十年代就給國人介紹過川柳。在他冩的《日本的“狂句”》一文中,可以找到關於川柳的介紹:
川柳的形式與俳句一樣,但用字更爲自由,也沒有"季題"等的限制。內容上,當初兩者都注重恢諧味及文字的戲弄,唯"蕉風"的句傾向於閒寂趣味,成爲"高蹈派"的小詩,川柳也由遊戲文章變爲諷刺詩,或者可以稱爲風俗詩。
川柳最早是俳句的附着物,總是附在俳句的後面,因此也叫“前句附”,後來這種“五七五”音節的詩句獨立發展,被稱爲"俳風狂句",因其祖師綠亭川柳的名字又被稱爲"柳風狂句",現在則直稱"川柳"了。
綠亭川柳生在十八世紀後半,原來也是芭蕉派下的俳人。川柳認識到這種小詩的獨立價值,開始辦雜誌專門冩這類小詩,蔚然成風,於是成爲川柳詩體的祖師爺。
我們看現在這些老人冩的川柳詩,或者冩夫妻生活,或者冩個人的養生與護理,或者冩面對新生事物比如智能數碼設備的種種不適,甚至還有各種“不服老”的表達,其實並沒有脫離早期川柳想要表達的那些領域。時代變化了,新生事物不斷出現,但人們的情感反應並沒有怎樣的變化。只不過“銀髮川柳”,更專注於老年人的生活罷了,是屬於老年人冩老年人的一種自我消遣。
對於川柳的特點,周作人有過這樣的描述:
好的川柳,其妙處全在確實地抓住情景的要點,毫不客氣而又很有含蓄的投擲出去,使讀者感到一種小的針刺,又正如吃到一點芥末,辣得眼淚出來,卻剎時過去了,並不像青椒那樣的黏纏。
川柳揭穿人情之機微,根本上並沒有什麼惡意,我們看了那裡所冩的世相,不禁點頭微笑,但一面因了這些人情弱點,或者反覺得人間之更爲可愛,所以他的諷刺,乃是樂天家的一種玩世不恭的態度而並不是厭世者的詛咒。
所以你可以看到,爲什麼這些日本老人冩的川柳都是這樣可愛了吧。這都“是樂天家的一種玩世不恭”。因爲川柳是有着這樣健康的情緒宣洩的價值,也就不怪日本養老事業部門常常要搞這樣的詩歌大賽了,這實在是對老年人的精神生活有益。
中國的老齡化已經到來,我們的老年生活,有沒有可能也有冩詩消遣的這個選項呢?(來首詩才睡覺)
陳明發·從“意識流”談起
“意識流”理論易懂難精。
除了伍爾夫的著作,閱讀弗拉基米爾·納博科夫的《説吧,記憶:自傳追述》也帶給我很大的樂趣。此書部分地採納了意識流。
意識流最有名的小説之一《尤利西斯》,買了許久一直沒好好讀,很對不起喬伊思。另一部意識流大書普魯斯特的《追憶逝水年華》,我偷工減料地在一些選集中,當散文篇章讀過一小部分,説起來很不成樣子。
但在哲學方面。柏格森(1927年諾貝爾文學獎得主)對我影響很大,因爲他,我上溯維柯(“詩性智慧”歷史發展觀),下訪克里斯蒂瓦(“詩性語言”革命),思想起來心裡比較踏實些。
“意識流”得益於19世紀心理學家威廉·詹姆斯的學説,但後來被歸入“意識流”的文學家,明顯也採納了20世紀佛洛伊德、榮格、拉康諸子的學説。
對中國意識流文學作品我不熟悉,我近年相對喜歡的小説家如李佩甫(《無邊無際的早晨》等)、馮苓植(《與死共舞—“鞭桿”的故事》等)的創作。二人把意識流與微魔幻主義做了令人期許的混融。
我個人的心智之旅,許多年來依靠着存在主義先驅海德格爾的哲學,近年有柏格森諸子加持,期待文創路上有新領悟。再讀李佩甫和馮苓植等中文作家的努力結果,詩性實踐在漢字文創中無疑是可能的。(19.12.2023)
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