Comment

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 20, 2021 at 3:23pm

One further point, closely related to the concept of "emergent authenticity" ought to be noted. The new, "external public" (Graburn 1976a; Shiloah and Cohen 1983:237) provided by the tourists, may offer an opportunity to the producers of cultural products to incorporate in them novel but "authentic" messages, differing from those incorporated in cultural products intended solely for the "internal" local or ethnic public. Thus, Silver (1979) claims to have detected such messages hidden in the apparently exaggerated, "exotic" features of commercialized African sculptures. This author also found such messages explicitly  stated  in  the  commercialized  figurative embroideries of Hmong (Meo) refugees from Laos (Cohen 1982b:41; Forthcoming). The Hmong from whose "traditional" arts fi   rative represent#tions were absent, nostalgically depict in these embroideries the richness of their traditional customs to the world at large, a as seek to  r w its attention to their sufferings in recent history and to  heir present dire predicament. Such messages thus become new cul ural exp  ssions, which are recognized as "authentic" even by experts such as anthropologists or ethnographers interested in cultural change.

COMMODITIZATION

"Commoditization" is a process by which things (and activities) come to be evaluated primarily in terms of their exchange value, in a context of trade, thereby becoming goods (and services); developed exchange systems in which the exchange value of things (and activities) is stated in terms of prices form a market. Though trade systems and gift systems were apparently even in the past less unequivocally segregated than previously claimed, markets have expanded throughout the world in the modern era, bringinA,about the commoditization of an ever wider range of things and actin ties (cf. Appadurai 1986). The principal question in ,this context is, what happens to the other meanings (particularly religious, cultural, and social) of things (and activities) once they become commoditized, particularly under the impact of tourism.

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 20, 2021 at 3:10pm

(Con't) It is generally the case that "Dealings with strangers . . . provide contexts for the commoditization of things that are otherwise protected from commoditization" (Appadurai 1986:15). Tourists in the modern world are particularly ubiquitous types of strangers, notorious for their propensity to precipitate, directly or indirectly, the commoditization of an ever wider range of things (and activities), many of which have been kept out of the domain of the market prior to the penetration of tourism, by rigorous normative prohibitions and taboos.

According to Greenwood (1977), who made one of the first studies of commoditization of culture through tourism, the commoditized cultural products lose in the process their intrinsic meaning and significance for the local people, who in turn lose their enthusiasm for producing them. Thus, Greenwood argues, as the public ritual of the Alarde in the Spanish-Basque town of Fuenterrabia became a major touristic attraction, and the authorities declared that it should be performed twice on the same day to accommodate the large number of visitors, the local participants lost interest in it. Consequently, " . . . the municipal government was considering payments to people for their participation in the Alarde? . . . just as the gypsies are paid to dance and the symphony orchestra is paid to make music. The ritual has become a performance for money. The meaning is gone" (Greenwood 1977:135). In other words, the once "authentic" public ritual became a staged performance, a cultural "commodity."

Such processes of commoditization of culture for touristic purposes are doubtlessly quite common all over the Third World and in the ethnic areas of both Western and Communist countries. Rituals, ceremonies, costumes, and folk arts may all be subjected to commoditization. Moreover, since the process is frequently initiated by culture brokers and touristic entrepreneurs from outside the local community, it may well lead to the exploitation of the locals and of their cultural resources by outsiders. Finally, the process of commoditization also tends to affect the cultural products themselves. As they become increasingly oriented to an "external public," rituals may be shortened, embellished, or otherwise adopted to the tastes of the tourists (cf. Boorstin 1964:103). Art and craft products may also be changed in form, materials, or colors (cf. Cohen 1983), " . . . in response to the impositions or temptations from large-scale and sometimes far-away consumers" (Appadurai 1986:47) such as in the case of "indirect tourism" (Aspelin 1977). Indeed, the emerging genre of "tourist arts" (Appadurai 1986:47; Cohen 1983; Graburn ed. 1976) is perhaps the most salient example of the commoditization of a range of cultural products through tourism.

All these developments and sometimes radical changes in the form and content of the commoditized goods and services notwithstanding, however, Greenwood's categorical assertion that, once a cultural product is commoditized "the meaning is gone," appears to be an over-
generalization. Counter-examples may be easily found. For example, folk musicians, who play for money Iv an external audience, may be excited by the opportunity to present-their art and proud to display their competence.

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 17, 2021 at 1:58pm

(Con't) There is no reason to assume that their music lost all meaning for them, merely because they have been paid for performing it. It would be absurd to argue that all popular music is meaningless for the artists merely because it is commercialized. Greenwood appears to have assumed that the immediate negative reaction of the local population to the commoditization of the Alarde will become its permanent attitude to the festival. This assumption, however, contradicts an implication of his own later insight regarding "emergent authenticity," cited above. For, just as a new cultural product can become with time widely accepted as "authentic," so it can, although changed through commoditization, acquire a new meaning for its producers. Thus, what used to be a religiously meaningful ritual for an internal public, may become a culturally significant self-representation before an external public. Moreover, the two kinds of meanings are not necessarily mutually exclusive but could be additive: new meanings may be added to old ones, which persevere into the new situation. According to McKean (1976:241-3), Balinese ritual performances have three separate audiences, a divine, a local, and a touristic. :This last one does not necessarily spoil the meaning of the performance for the two others)"The touristic audience is appreciated for the economic assets it can bring . . . but its presence has not diminished the importance of performing competently for the other two audiences, the villagers and the divine realm" (1976:244). Moreover, if Balinese performances are staged specifically for tourists, " . . the funds, as well as the increased skills and equipment available have enriched the possibility that the indigenous performances will be done with more elegance, in effect conserving culture" (1976:244).

One has to bear in mind that commoditization often hits a culture not when it is flourishing, but when it is actually already in decline, owing to the impingement of outside forces preceding tourism. Under such circumstances, the emergence of a tourist market frequently facilitates the preservation of a cultural tradition which would otherwise perish. It enables its bearers to maintain a meaningful local or ethnic identity which they might otherwise have lost.   his is particularly the case in the sphere of folk arts and crafts, many o ich are in decline in Third World countries owing to the penetration o  industrial goods and Western consumer tastes— but some of which ha e been salvaged or revived through demand by the tourist market/ (cf. Graburn ed. 1976). Finally, even where a cultural tradition still flourishes, its cornmoditization may well be emically perceived by its members as less of a change than it appears to an external an . While to the external observer, commoditization may appear to involve a complete transformation of meaning as a cultural product s being reoriented to a new, external audience. In many situations of commoditization, the performers themselves do not necessarily perceive that such a transformation had in fact occurred. Rather, despite the changed context, they may perceive an often astonishing degree of continuity between the old and the new situation. Thus, performers of tourist-oriented Voodoo shows in Haiti, do still go into a trance (Goldberg 1983:488); and tourist-oriented prostitutes in Bangkok bring many traditional attitudes towards Thai men into their relationships with tourists (Cohen,  in press a). Local people frequently interpret novel situations in traditional terms, and thus perceive a continuity of cultural meaning which may escape the observer (cf. Smith 1982). 

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 15, 2021 at 9:21pm

(Con't) Erik Cohen, Authenticity & Commodization in Tourism Conclusion
This analysis leads to a conclusion which is, in the main, the opposite of that deduced from the basic assumptions prevalent in much of the contemporary literature on tourism, as presented at the beginning of this paper. Commoditization does not necessarily destroy the meaning of cultural products, neither for the locals nor for the tourists, although it may do so under certain cottons.

Tourist-oriented products frequently acquire new meanings fah the locals, as they become a diacritical mark of their ethnic or cultural identity, a vehicle of self-representation before an external public. However, old meanings do not thereby necessarily disappear, but Tay remain salient, on a different level, for an internal public, despite commoditization — as the case of Balinese ritual performances exemplifies.

Neither does commoditization necessarily destroy the meaning of cultural products for the tourists, since these are frequently prepared to accept such a product, even if transformed through commoditization, as "authentic," insofar as some at least of its traits are perceived as "authentic." Such traits can then be taken to authenticate, metonymically, the product as a whole. The breadth of such authentic traits necessary to satisfy the tourist will, in turn, depend on the depth of the touristic experience to which each individual tourist aspires. Since most rank-and-file tourists do not aspire to much depth, a few traits of a cultural product which appear "authentic" will in most cases suffice for its acceptance as an "authentic" product.

Hence, mass tourism does not succeed because it is a colossal deception, but because most tourists entertain concepts of "authenticity" which are much looser than those entertained by intellectuals and experts, such as curators and anthropologists. Indeed, for many tourists, tourism is a form of play (Cohen 1985), which like all play, has profound roots in reality, but for the success of which a great deal of make-believe, on part of both performers and audience, is necessary. They willingly, even if often unconsciously, participate playfully in a game of "as if," pretending that a contrived product is authentic, even if deep down they are not convinced of its authenticity.


This re-examination of some of the assumptions prevalent in the tourism literature has some important implications for the study of the social and cultural impacts of tourism. In particular, rather than assuming the destructive impact of commoditization on the authenticity and meaning of cultural products, such impact should be submitted to a detailed empirical examination, if possible within an emic, processual, and comparative framework (Cohen 1979b:31-32). Such an approach will make it possible to gauge over time the permutations of meaning and authenticity as perceived by locals and tourists alike; it will also make it possible to determine the conditions under which cultural meanings are preserved or newly emergent, and distinguish them from those under which they are practically destroyed through the impact of tourism.

Such an examination will, in turn, forge the intellectual instruments necessary for the formulation of a prudent policy approach to tourism, as both a branch of economic development and as a major cultural manifestation of the modern world, which will avoid the extremes of a total condemnation of tourism as well as of its uncritical approbation. (Erik Cohen, 1988, Authenticity & Commodization in Tourism, Annals of Burtsm &march, Vol. 15, pp. 371-386, 1988)

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 15, 2021 at 2:13pm

旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構

今年(2016)適逢《徐霞客遊記》自清乾隆四十一年（1775年）正式刊印二百四十周年紀念，為讓大眾欣賞國家圖書館相關古籍典藏，國圖特自館藏文獻中挑選具有代表之文獻與圖像四十餘種。

展覽自105年6月1日起至12月31日。另外，為推廣中文古籍經典閱讀，今年秋季經典系列講座亦以「旅行方程式：經典遊記的想像與建構」為主題，於8月27日至10月29日舉辦八場講座，邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。

一、館藏古籍展覽

東亞文化圈早在《詩經》年代(西元前十一世紀至前六世紀)，已有人類出遊記錄，如「鶴鳴於九皋，聲聞於野」。至孔子周遊列國，則又將旅行與出遊融入「遊必有方」的教育信念。所謂「父母在，不遠遊，遊必有方」，大抵透露出遊行為與儒家價值觀的高度互動性。

早期中文典籍紀錄出遊主要集中在帝王與士大夫階層，如創作於戰國時期，記周穆王巡遊事《穆天子傳》、最早的遊記文學創作-屈原《離騷》。漢唐時代以後，部分士人或因擔任地方官員，或參軍佐幕，甚至是流放邊疆，寫作不只是單純記錄風土，也成為書寫個人記憶與想像時代的媒體，如柳宗元撰《永州八記》，於是各類遊記與雜記大量出現。宋元以後，隨著社會經濟脤動，加上科舉所帶來的壓力，士人雅慕嶽遊，一覽山水之勝，逐漸成為風尚。至明代以後士人旅遊風氣更為蓬勃，凡遇佳山水必遊，遊必有詠歌。其中《徐霞客遊記》其成就不僅記錄明代經濟生活蓬勃，也彰顯遊記體裁的多樣風貌。這些風雅朝士緩步尋幽、野徑蒐奇，遐想策足所留下的遊記與雜記，不僅提供後世瞭解古代地方文化的第一手資料包括風俗習慣、生態環境、經濟民生，甚至軍事國防範疇。

為使民眾認識展覽古籍及其所代表之文化內涵，展覽主題區分為以下五項：徐霞客遊記、經典遊記、明代遊記、旅遊文化、域外與臺灣遊記。以下即介紹本次展覽具有代表性之書籍：


(一) 古今遊記之最：《徐霞客遊記》徐霞客（1587-1641），名弘祖(後世因避清高宗弘曆諱，改為宏祖），字振之，號霞客，明南直隸江陰（今江蘇江陰市）人。為5百年來中國最重要旅行家、探險家、地理學者及遊記作家。

他從22歲自江陰出遊開始，33年之間遊歷了中國19個省區，足跡遍及半個中國大陸，並寫下日記體裁遊記。徐氏去世前託塾師季夢良整理原稿，後由季氏與王忠紉編輯成書稿。然因時局動盪，文稿散失。清初徐氏後人曾收集殘存的抄本並增補部分內容再編輯成書稿，此為「李介立本」，被譽為「諸祖之本」。康熙四十八年（1709）江陰人楊名時（1661-1737）從劉開南處得《徐霞客遊記》，翌年又自友人處得令一抄本，遂進行互校。《四庫全書》所收即楊名時重加編訂。

乾隆年間，江陰人陳泓又對《徐霞客遊記》李寄、楊名時等諸多版本進行校讎。乾隆四十一年（1776），徐鎮根據「李介立本」將《徐霞客遊記》刊刻成書，正式出版。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）（下續）

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 10, 2021 at 9:22pm

(二)古人旅遊方程式—中國古代文人自明代自嘉靖（1522-1566）中期以後，社會旅遊風氣漸盛。對文人而言，旅遊不只是一種空間的移動，還代表著融入「以性靈遊，以軀命遊」群體價值觀。根據《千頃堂書目》所載晚明時期遊記書目與作者，總計有五十七位作者，六十五部作品。大部分作品所描述的內容，多屬「淺遊」，像徐霞客那樣以長程冒險的「壯遊」，實非主流。到了萬曆年間（1573-1620），從文人日記、遊記可以觀察到他們頻繁地出遊。旅遊已兼具休閒娛樂及社交功能，當時甚至已有類似今日旅行團包套的「套裝旅遊」，即將旅遊活動商品化。

明代文人受到社群出遊風氣的影響，往往藉覽天下之名，規畫出遊，但實際上受制於經濟能力，對於典籍上所載眾多景點，多半只能桌遊。

根據巫仁恕、狄雅斯（Imma Di Biase）《遊道——明清旅遊文化》的研究，明人出遊內容之豐富，與當時西方相較，有過之而無不及。特別是與旅行、旅遊相關的設備逐漸商品化，包括美酒佳餚、游船肩輿、旅遊導覽、遊伴相隨，皆讓旅途可以更舒適、更盡興。士大夫更是明清旅遊文化興盛的一大推手，旅遊也成為明清士大夫文化的重要一環。

地點的選擇與參考指南：明代坊刻本已經出現類似今日旅遊手冊的出品，如(明) 高應科摘略田汝成所撰，《西湖遊覽志》，改編為《西湖志摘粹補遺奚囊便覽》，並邀請11位名人背書推薦。另外，在旅遊路線方面如徽商黃汴所編《天下水陸路程》，在各路程後面附有景點簡介，顯示這類書籍已兼具觀光旅遊手冊功能。



今年適逢《徐霞客遊記》自清乾隆四十一年（1775年）正式刊印二百四十周年紀念，為讓大眾欣賞國家圖書館相關古籍典藏，國圖特自館藏文獻中挑選具有代表之文獻與圖像四十餘種。

展覽自105年6月1日起至12月31日。另外，為推廣中文古籍經典閱讀，今年秋季經典系列講座亦以「旅行方程式：經典遊記的想像與建構」為主題，於8月27日至10月29日舉辦八場講座，邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。

一、館藏古籍展覽

東亞文化圈早在《詩經》年代(西元前十一世紀至前六世紀)，已有人類出遊記錄，如「鶴鳴於九皋，聲聞於野」。至孔子周遊列國，則又將旅行與出遊融入「遊必有方」的教育信念。所謂「父母在，不遠遊，遊必有方」，大抵透露出遊行為與儒家價值觀的高度互動性。

早期中文典籍紀錄出遊主要集中在帝王與士大夫階層，如創作於戰國時期，記周穆王巡遊事《穆天子傳》、最早的遊記文學創作-屈原《離騷》。漢唐時代以後，部分士人或因擔任地方官員，或參軍佐幕，甚至是流放邊疆，寫作不只是單純記錄風土，也成為書寫個人記憶與想像時代的媒體，如柳宗元撰《永州八記》，於是各類遊記與雜記大量出現。宋元以後，隨著社會經濟脤動，加上科舉所帶來的壓力，士人雅慕嶽遊，一覽山水之勝，逐漸成為風尚。至明代以後士人旅遊風氣更為蓬勃，凡遇佳山水必遊，遊必有詠歌。其中《徐霞客遊記》其成就不僅記錄明代經濟生活蓬勃，也彰顯遊記體裁的多樣風貌。這些風雅朝士緩步尋幽、野徑蒐奇，遐想策足所留下的遊記與雜記，不僅提供後世瞭解古代地方文化的第一手資料包括風俗習慣、生態環境、經濟民生，甚至軍事國防範疇。

為使民眾認識展覽古籍及其所代表之文化內涵，展覽主題區分為以下五項：徐霞客遊記、經典遊記、明代遊記、旅遊文化、域外與臺灣遊記。以下即介紹本次展覽具有代表性之書籍：

(一)古今遊記之最：《徐霞客遊記》徐霞客（1587-1641），名弘祖(後世因避清高宗弘曆諱，改為宏祖），字振之，號霞客，明南直隸江陰（今江蘇江陰市）人。為5百年來中國最重要旅行家、探險家、地理學者及遊記作家。他從22歲自江陰出遊開始，33年之間遊歷了中國19個省區，足跡遍及半個中國大陸，並寫下日記體裁遊記。徐氏去世前託塾師季夢良整理原稿，後由季氏與王忠紉編輯成書稿。然因時局動盪，文稿散失。清初徐氏後人曾收集殘存的抄本並增補部分內容再編輯成書稿，此為「李介立本」，被譽為「諸祖之本」。康熙四十八年（1709）江陰人楊名時（1661-1737）從劉開南處得《徐霞客遊記》，翌年又自友人處得令一抄本，遂進行互校。《四庫全書》所收即楊名時重加編訂。

乾隆年間，江陰人陳泓又對《徐霞客遊記》李寄、楊名時等諸多版本進行校讎。乾隆四十一年（1776），徐鎮根據「李介立本」將《徐霞客遊記》刊刻成書，正式出版。

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 8, 2021 at 3:52pm

（續上）

(二)古人旅遊方程式—中國古代文人自明代自嘉靖（1522-1566）中期以後，社會旅遊風氣漸盛。對文人而言，旅遊不只是一種空間的移動，還代表著融入「以性靈遊，以軀命遊」群體價值觀。根據《千頃堂書目》所載晚明時期遊記書目與作者，總計有五十七位作者，六十五部作品。大部分作品所描述的內容，多屬「淺遊」，像徐霞客那樣以長程冒險的「壯遊」，實非主流。到了萬曆年間（1573-1620），從文人日記、遊記可以觀察到他們頻繁地出遊。旅遊已兼具休閒娛樂及社交功能，當時甚至已有類似今日旅行團包套的「套裝旅遊」，即將旅遊活動商品化。

明代文人受到社群出遊風氣的影響，往往藉覽天下之名，規畫出遊，但實際上受制於經濟能力，對於典籍上所載眾多景點，多半只能桌遊。根據巫仁恕、狄雅斯（Imma Di Biase）《遊道——明清旅遊文化》的研究，明人出遊內容之豐富，與當時西方相較，有過之而無不及。特別是與旅行、旅遊相關的設備逐漸商品化，包括美酒佳餚、游船肩輿、旅遊導覽、遊伴相隨，皆讓旅途可以更舒適、更盡興。士大夫更是明清旅遊文化興盛的一大推手，旅遊也成為明清士大夫文化的重要一環。

地點的選擇與參考指南：明代坊刻本已經出現類似今日旅遊手冊的出品，如(明) 高應科摘略田汝成所撰，《西湖遊覽志》，改編為《西湖志摘粹補遺奚囊便覽》，並邀請11位名人背書推薦。另外，在旅遊路線方面如徽商黃汴所編《天下水陸路程》，在各路程後面附有景點簡介，顯示這類書籍已兼具觀光旅遊手冊功能。
古代文人出遊交通工具包括馬、驢、牛、兜子(輕便轎子)、筍輿(竹編輕便轎子)、烏蓬船、竹筏，甚至是酒舫、畫舫等兼具娛樂功能之交通工具。有時夜間旅行為了防止意外，如程敏政(1445-1499)〈夜渡兩關記〉曾描述返家經山路時還要攜帶銅鑼與火把，做為緊急狀況時前呼後應通知。(三)晚清域外遊記自中英鴉片戰爭開千古未有之變局以後，繼之1868年蒲安臣（Anson Burlingame，1820-1870）率團出訪外國，中國開始出現大量域外遊記。這些書籍的作者包括駐外使節、留學生、商人、旅行家，如李鳳苞《使德日記》、王韜《漫遊隨錄》、張德彝《四述奇》。1881年王錫祺(1865-1913)編印《小方壺齋叢鈔》叢書，此叢書後於1891年再擴充篇幅，更名為《小方壺齋輿地叢鈔》，全套共收錄1500餘種地理著述，內容豐富，保存了許多珍貴資料與遊記文獻。至1900年以後，甚至連革命黨、政治異議份子，也運用海外見聞所得，刊印心得，用以取法作為改革與革命的宣傳管道。明代文人淺遊時所帶物品，依經濟狀況不一，但多半在提盒內放入茶具、酒杯、筷子等；提爐用來煮茶；備具匣多用來裝文房四寶，以及酒尊用來裝酒具。如果出遊的地方文人不多，那麼書籍似乎也不必多帶。如在旅館沒有特別消遣，未攜書籍，文人還會攜帶各類戲具，如骨牌，時一拈弄，足以消遣。至於遠行壯遊，連被單也在行李。明末，旅宿業為了方便旅客，還發展出書畫古玩暫寄服務，讓文人可以「一肩行李，倒也爽快」。陸樹聲，〈九山散樵傳〉曾提到某位辭官隱居的山人出遊的裝扮：「御野服，執塵尾」，帶著書籍與家僕，出游近郊，入佛廬精舍，徘徊忘去。每到一處就攜茶灶，拾墮薪，汲泉煮茗，與文友相過從，以詩筆自娛。此正是當時部分文人出遊的寫照。

二、系列講座

本館近五年來於秋季舉辦「閱讀古人生活美學 」、「千古風流人物蘇東坡」、「唐宋八大家」、「杜甫夢李白」、「抒情與寫意：古典戲曲裡的愛戀與盟約」、「格物窮理—古代經典中的科學與醫學」等講座活動，頗受好評。本年度亦與科林研發公司邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）（下續）

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 3, 2021 at 9:24pm

續上各場次主講者與講題如下(一)本館周六場次首場講座由國立師範大學歷史系教授兼文學院長陳登武教授擔任主講，講題為「山林與仕宦之間-唐代士人的旅遊書寫」。陳院長長期關注唐代法制史研究，發現文獻中官員遭「貶謫」其間所書寫的內容，不僅反映官員懷才不遇和懷念帝都長安的情懷，期待能夠重返帝國的政治、經濟、社會、文化的核心長安任職，他們行旅各地或遊覽名勝，或借景抒懷，每每透露各種深刻而值得觀察的心情與思想，遂而創作諸多「旅遊」書寫的名篇，並流傳千古。為了讓聽眾能更了解唐人書寫的角度，演講中從臺灣80年代以前流行音樂，如「田莊兄哥」、「孤女的願望」、「鹿港小鎮」、「向前行」，強調其反映時代問題與旅行心情的抒發與寄託。演講脈絡再就著名士人李白、杜甫、柳宗元、劉禹錫、白居易等人所面臨的生命困境，和他們因而所留下來的旅遊書寫文字，分析和討論他們的內心世界、生命態度和處世原則。

第二場邀請到對於明代散文與中國元林文學研究具有豐富研究的國立臺灣大學中國文學系教授曹淑娟老師，主講「晚明園林志的想像與建構」。 透過曹老師溫柔而豐富的演講內容，介紹中國古典園林的發展、晚明文人造園的自我實現，並以祁彪佳、汪汝謙、錢謙益、張岱等人的相關著作為個案，分別鋪陳出文人將生命與園林結合，以及以山光景色重構對前朝文化的記憶。

不僅讓民眾注意到祁彪佳之《寓山注》的價值與作者如何在家國巨變下，建構開山之祖，也解答祁氏殉國之內在意涵。老師也特別強調閱讀古人文本，也應注意書寫當下的體驗，讓內在的自我與擁有與世界連貫性的途徑。 

二、系列講座

本館近五年來於秋季舉辦「閱讀古人生活美學 」、「千古風流人物蘇東坡」、「唐宋八大家」、「杜甫夢李白」、「抒情與寫意：古典戲曲裡的愛戀與盟約」、「格物窮理—古代經典中的科學與醫學」等講座活動，頗受好評。本年度亦與科林研發公司邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊

記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。各場次主講者與講題如下

(一)本館周六場次

首場講座由國立師範大學歷史系教授兼文學院長陳登武教授擔任主講，講題為「山林與仕宦之間-唐代士人的旅遊書寫」。陳院長長期關注唐代法制史研究，發現文獻中官員遭「貶謫」其間所書寫的內容，不僅反映官員懷才不遇和懷念帝都長安的情懷，期待能夠重返帝國的政治、經濟、社會、文化的核心長安任職，他們行旅各地或遊覽名勝，或借景抒懷，每每透露各種 深刻而與擁有與世界連貫性的途徑。

 

第三場邀請到中央研究院近代史研究所研究員巫仁恕教授主講「明清士大夫的旅遊風與遊記書寫」。本次演講巫教授主要由文化史層面切入，不僅就古人如何旅遊、明清旅遊設施、明清士大夫的旅遊風尚、士大夫的旅遊實踐、士大夫的遊記書寫、旅遊地景的建構等議題介紹。透過介紹明人文集與典範研究的質疑，跳脫古人書寫的限制，直探古人如何建構、想像，梳理遊記中顯現的旅遊現象。巫師認教授認為旅遊文化是明清士大夫文化重要的一環，在探討明清旅遊文化時，更不能歸避士大夫在塑造旅遊文化方面的作用。明清士大夫旅遊風氣雖然有興衰起伏，但是一直都是士大夫們的重要活動。筆者利用明清士大夫的日記，來呈現明清士大夫日常生活中的旅遊實態，說明當時的主流是短距離的淺游。而且士大夫的旅遊顯示出重視舒適性與娛樂化的傾向，同時士大夫的旅遊活動也具有社交的功能。接著將討論明清士大夫旅遊文化的建構與變遷。除了介紹明清士大夫創作的旅遊相關文本之外，透過遊記內容分析，呈現明清士大夫遊記論述與書寫的變遷。這樣的變化背後，反映了士大夫意識到身份競爭的焦慮，並藉改變書寫策略來彰顯身分。末尾探討旅遊地景如何透過文化形式的再現。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）

Comment by 陳老頭 on November 2, 2021 at 10:35am

第四場於105年9月24日舉行，邀國立臺灣師範大學國文學系陳室如副教授主講「晚清海外遊記的物質文化」。前一場優遊於明代文人文青旅行之後，本周陳老師則繼續帶領聽眾，將視野擴大到晚清時期的知識分子海外遊蹤。從鎖國到門戶開放後，包括駐外使臣、隨員紛紛報導自身經驗，反映出傳統文人知識框架與新事物的碰撞。

為了讓聽眾更瞭解當時遊記的視角，老師也從飲食、服飾，這人生最基本兩大切身需求，觀察何以文人在驚嘆之餘會將自身心態轉化為自嘲「今歐美人一飲一啄，醰醰有味，皆我國之所貽，用以報鐵路、輪線、電線之功，交相酬報，不為薄矣。」抑或者以光怪陸離不可逼視，迴避知識上詮釋的困境與轉變。

第五場演講，邀請到鄭仰恩教授蒞館主講：「歐風遠颺，近代基督長老教會傳教士的臺灣之旅」。鄭教授為台灣基督長老教會史重要研究學者，享譽國際。本次演講，除了揭露出不少針對田野調查與歷史圖片與文獻影像，還將聽眾視野由前一場的晚清知識分子的外國經驗，移轉到19世紀後半至20世紀初的臺灣，從一個對「外國蕃」不友善的時代和處境，思考長老教會的傳教士與信徒試圖展現出「焚而不燬」的信仰精神。

演講過程對於幾位重要傳教士之行誼與事蹟，如數家珍，生動而清楚的描述。這些傳教士受到近代「蘇格蘭啟蒙運動」(Scottish Enlightenment)及「福音奮興運動」(Evangelical Revivals)的雙重影響（前者開啟「現代性」的世界觀，後者賦予「海外宣教」的熱誠），早期來台的長老教會宣教師開展出一種帶有「啟蒙宣教」特質的工作，主要通過醫療、教育、文字媒體/母語、社會服務、自然/文史研究的方式。儘管就整體而言，宣教師在遊記與日記描述中，依稀可見仍其帶著「家長式」的優越感，對非西方社會及文化存著偏見。最後在臺灣旅行，讓宣教師們願意調整自我，被土地和人民所轉化！國家圖書館秋季經典導讀系列講座周六場次最後一場，105年10月29日邀請到國立臺灣師範大學臺灣語文學系林淑慧教授，主講「脈絡的意義：臺灣遊記時空之旅」。活動並由曾淑賢館長主持。

林老師著作等身，她長期致力於臺灣文獻的收集與整理，本次演講不僅展現她近年來學術研究豐富成果，同時也透過思維的陳述，清楚的勾勒出學者如何梳理史料、運用人類學、社會學、歷史學、數位人文等方法，觀察近代臺灣遊記之發展結構與脈絡。從遊記閱讀，到閱讀遊記，構思不同的解讀文獻方式。林老師並無私與讀者分享各類探索遊記題材的媒體，包括報紙、雜誌、明信片，甚至是官方宣傳品，使讀者體認：儘管「我們無法搭乘時光機回到過去，也難以走遍海角天涯；但藉由旅遊與空間文本，得以穿越時空親近旅人追尋幸福的軌跡，覓得屬於自己的幸福！」也從各時代臺灣遊記文學，離與返的不斷對話，吸引讀者與學界持續關注。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）

Comment by 陳老頭 on October 29, 2021 at 1:19pm

旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構（續）

(二) 新竹巡迴與本館星光場次

為推廣閱讀，今年秋季經典系列講座將以「旅行方程式：經典遊記的想像與建構」為主題，其中本館於8月27日至10月29日於國際會議廳舉辦六場講座。另外，為使相關主題貼近當代，結合科技與人文，本館與科林研發公司特邀請徐仁修先生以「亞馬遜河探險之旅」為主題，於105年9月23日假新竹園區管理局大禮堂巡迴舉辦星光講座。徐老師為國內生態保育運動前輩，在他那充滿愛、冒險與勇氣的道路上，引領無數青年朋友與長者投入關懷臺灣土地的行列，本次活動亦吸引不少聽眾專程由臺灣各地前往新竹聆聽，讓演講現場氣氛爆棚，座無虛席。短短兩個小時演講讓人意猶未盡，思緒仍停留在老師話語中的熱帶雨林。新竹巡迴舉辦星光講座徐仁修先生主講：「亞馬遜河探險之旅」


由於秋季「旅行方程式」系列講座廣受佳評。本館另特邀請詹宏志先生於10月14日晚上19時假本館國際會議廳舉辦星光講座，講題為：「旅行與讀書以及路途上的餐桌」。本次演講不同於周六舉行以古典與近代遊記為主軸的風格，在週末的的夜晚，詹宏志先生從他個人旅行、職涯談起，演講全程充滿異國佳餚的想像、試驗與文化體驗回饋，讓閱讀不只是純粹的思維活動，也構成探索世界的一把鑰匙。而在旅行的過程中，他開始關注到不僅各地食物與物種的關聯性，連語言也透過食物、食材等日常生活傳播影響語彙的旅行。 由於在旅行途中經歷無數餐桌的緣故，在本次演講中詹先生也預告他思索也許可以寫一本書，就叫做《環遊世界八十碟》(Around the World in 80 Dishes) 。最後，詹先生也為讀者推薦歐洲作家蕾絲莉．白蘭琪(Lesley Blanch, 1904-2007) 的著作。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）（延續閱讀）

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