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Comment by 陳老頭 1 hour ago

沙巴堅定推動MA63精神與原則
旅遊業納入聯邦憲法共同清單

(布城4日訊)沙巴旅遊、文化及環境部長拿督賈夫里阿里芬今日重申沙巴州政府的堅定承諾，將繼續推動根據《1963年馬來西亞協定》（MA63）的精神與原則，將旅遊業納入《聯邦憲法》的共同清單（Concurrent List）。

賈夫里昨日出席「1963年馬來西亞協定實施行動理事會（MTPMA63）」技術委員會會議後表示，該建議將賦予沙巴立法權力，使其能夠根據本州的實際需求、優先事項及獨特情況，規範、管理和發展其旅遊業。

他說:「沙巴並非要求特殊待遇，而是希望提升能力，以符合 MA63 精神的方式來管理本州最重要的經濟領域之一。」

他指出，將旅遊業列入共同清單將使沙巴能夠：加強旅遊業治理,並完善執照與監管框架；保護豐富的文化與自然遺產；提升遊客安全；推出如「旅遊永續發展稅」等政策，以支持生態保育及社區旅遊發展。

傑菲里強調，該建議旨在建立聯邦政府與州政府之間更有效的合作夥伴關係，而非將沙巴排除在國家旅遊框架之外。

他說:「這項建議旨在賦予沙巴更有效管理其旅遊業的自主權，同時繼續為國家旅遊大局作出貢獻與支持。」

他表示，沙巴旅遊業具有獨特性，需要針對本州地理、環境及社會經濟現狀量身定制政策，特別是考慮到沙巴擁有豐富的生物多樣性、廣袤的自然保護區、海島旅遊、原住民文化遺產以及社區旅遊領域。

他說:「沙巴在旅遊治理中扮演更強大的角色，不僅有利於本州，也能提升馬來西亞整體的旅遊競爭力。」

賈夫里補充，旅遊業仍是沙巴的核心經濟支柱之一，創造了大量就業機會、支持在地企業，並對本州的經濟成長作出巨大貢獻。

他說:「MA63 不僅僅是一份歷史文件，更是一項憲法承諾，應繼續指導政策制定，並鞏固聯邦政府與各州之間的合作夥伴關係。」

他重申，沙巴州政府將繼續致力於與聯邦政府及所有相關利益者緊密合作，透過建設性的交流，確保該建議在符合沙巴及馬來西亞最大利益的前提下落實。

他說:「我們相信，透過合作、互相尊重以及對 MA63 精神的共同承諾，我們能進一步加強馬來西亞的旅遊業，造福人群。」（華僑日報，Tuesday, August 04, 2026）

Comment by 陳老頭 on July 24, 2026 at 11:19am

[iCONADA Research Team]The Kudat Blue Economy Industrial Park (KBEIP) is Malaysia’s first dedicated maritime and green technology industrial zone. Spearheaded by the [Sabah Economic Development Corporation (SEDCO)]under the 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP), the park positions Kudat as a high-impact regional economic hub bridging trade between Southeast Asia and major East Asian markets. [1, 2]

The framework and master plan details of the project include:

1.Land Allocation & Zonation

The master plan carves out specific areas for industrial development while locking in strict buffer zones for conservation: [1, 3]

Core Industrial Zone: Spans 1,205 acres of SEDCO-owned land across Kampung Limau-Limauan and Perapat Laut, reserved for manufacturing, seafood logistics, and deep-sea fishing support. [1]

Ecological Earmark: An additional 3,129 acres of forest reserves and vital mangrove areas in Matunggong, Banggi, and Tanjung Kapor are integrated into the wider plan to ensure environmental preservation. [1]

2.Core Industrial Sectors

KBEIP moves beyond raw biomass harvesting to foster high-value, tech-driven maritime industries: [4]

Modernized Fisheries: Upgrading infrastructure for the deep-sea fishing industry, including the formal technological modernization of traditional coastal bagang (lift-net) fishing platforms. [1]

Seafood Processing Hub: Establishing downstream food manufacturing and processing facilities to convert local catches into export-ready products. [1, 5]

Trade Logistics & Port Infrastructure: The proposed construction of a specialized regional trade port designed to exploit Kudat’s proximity to China, Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. [1, 4]

3.Sustainable Technology & Strategic Funding

The infrastructure utilizes green technology backed by institutional research and sustainable finance frameworks: [1, 6]

Renewable Energy Partners: Technology transfer and marine-renewable energy research are backed by strategic collaborations with Universiti Malaysia Terengganu and Japan's Ocean Energy Institute at Saga University. [6]

Blue Financing Ecosystem:Long-term project funding is secured through Sabah's dedicated Blue Financing Memorandum of Understanding signed with the Maybank Group Global Banking network. [6]

Comment by 陳老頭 on July 24, 2026 at 11:14am

4.Community-Inclusive Industrial Model

Rather than pushing local populations out, SEDCO’s master plan outlines an inclusive ecosystem that anchors artisanal fishers directly into the modern supply chain: [7]

Local Value Chains:Local entrepreneurs and businesses are integrated into the industrial pipeline across construction, logistics, marine maintenance, and hospitality. [7]

Grassroots Governance: Extensive community engagement sessions ensure development directly supports coastal welfare and indigenous livelihoods across Kudat, Banggi, Kota Marudu, and Pitas. [7, 8]

Would you like to look at the specific maritime trade routes connecting Kudat to East Asia, or explore how the international ferry link to Palawan fits into this broader logistics blueprint?

[1]https://www.thestar.com.my

[2]https://www.pressreader.com

[3]https://www.facebook.com

[4]https://www.linkedin.com

[5]https://www.facebook.com

[6]https://www.dailyexpress.com.my

[7]https://www.sedco.com.my

[8]https://www.facebook.com

Comment by 陳老頭 on July 20, 2026 at 8:17pm

From Siquati to Sampanmangio: Frank Hatton's First Expedition Across Northern Borneo (1881–1882)

 Introduction

In the closing months of 1881, a young British geologist named Frank Hatton embarked on what would become one of the earliest documented scientific expeditions into the interior of northern Borneo. Employed by the British North Borneo Company as a mineral explorer, Hatton's assignment was to investigate the region's geological resources while documenting its rivers, mountains, forests, and indigenous communities. His observations were later published posthumously in North Borneo: Explorations and Adventures on the Equator, a work that remains one of the most important firsthand accounts of nineteenth-century Sabah. [1]

Among his earliest journeys was the expedition from Siquati (also recorded as Sequati or Sekuati) to Sampanmangio, undertaken between late 1881 and January 1882. Although relatively short in distance—estimated at approximately 40 to 50 batu (64–80 kilometres)—the journey crossed an exceptionally varied landscape of coastal shores, tidal estuaries, dense tropical rainforest, rivers, and rugged hills.

A Scientific Mission into the Unknown

Frank Hatton arrived in North Borneo in 1881 at only twenty years of age. Trained at the Royal School of Mines in London, he possessed both geological expertise and an adventurous spirit. The British North Borneo Company commissioned him to evaluate the colony's mineral potential, particularly deposits of coal, copper, antimony, petroleum, and precious metals.[2]

Unlike many explorers of his era whose objectives were primarily political or military, Hatton's expeditions were scientific. He carefully documented:

 geological formations,
 river systems,
 mineral occurrences,
 vegetation,
 wildlife,
 and the customs of indigenous peoples.

His notebooks reveal an explorer equally fascinated by natural history and human society.

Comment by 陳老頭 on July 20, 2026 at 6:38pm

The Journey from Siquati to Sampanmangio

Hatton departed Siquati on 23 November 1881, beginning a difficult expedition that combined travel by canoe with long stretches on foot.

His route followed the western coastline northward before turning inland near Marudu Bay, crossing forested terrain toward the settlement of Sampanmangio*. According to his diary, the expedition demanded constant adaptation to changing terrain:

 navigating shallow rivers,
 traversing muddy estuaries,
 climbing low hills,
 and cutting paths through dense rainforest.

* historically referred to as Sampanmangio Point, is today known as the Tip of Borneo (or Tanjung Simpang Mengayau in Malay and Tanjung Sampang Mangazou in the local Rungus language)

The expedition eventually reached Sampanmangio in January 1882 after weeks of arduous travel. Hatton later wrote that he had travelled through "rivers, beaches and forests" before finally arriving at the village, reflecting the logistical challenges of exploration in nineteenth-century Borneo. [1]

Observations of the Rungus People

One of the most valuable aspects of Hatton's journals is his description of the indigenous inhabitants of northern Borneo.

During the nineteenth century, British officials commonly referred to these communities collectively as "Dusun." Today, the people encountered by Hatton around Kudat are recognised as the Momogun Rungus, one of Sabah's major indigenous groups.

Hatton observed several aspects of Rungus life that reflected a well-organised and self-sufficient society.

 Settlement Patterns

Villages were commonly established near:

 rivers,
 coastal areas,
 and the foothills.

These locations provided reliable access to water, transportation routes, fishing grounds, and fertile agricultural land.

 Agriculture

The Rungus cultivated:

 hill rice,
 yam,
 taro,
 and other food crops.

This diversified agricultural system enabled communities to adapt to local environmental conditions while maintaining food security throughout the year.

 Hunting and Daily Life

Men commonly carried:

 spears,
 parang (broad-bladed machetes),
 and blowpipes.

These tools served both hunting and defensive purposes, illustrating the close relationship between the people and the surrounding forest.

Women were noted for wearing:

 colourful bead ornaments,
 copper bracelets,
 and finely woven traditional garments.

Hatton regarded their craftsmanship as particularly impressive.

Comment by 陳老頭 on July 20, 2026 at 6:28pm

Spiritual Beliefs and Customs

Hatton also documented aspects of Rungus spirituality.

Ceremonies frequently involved the ritual sacrifice of chickens or pigs as offerings intended to seek blessings or protection from ancestral spirits. These ceremonies were conducted under the guidance of respected ritual specialists, today known among the Rungus as bobolizan.

He further recorded the community's belief in:

 bird omens,
 prophetic dreams,
 and ritual taboos observed before journeys or warfare.

Such beliefs formed an integral part of decision-making and reflected a worldview deeply connected with nature.

 Skills and Community Organisation

Beyond agriculture and hunting, Hatton admired the practical skills of the Rungus.

He noted their expertise in:

 constructing durable timber houses,
 basket weaving,
 textile production,
 and maintaining orderly village communities.

These observations challenged European assumptions that indigenous societies were primitive, revealing instead a sophisticated culture well adapted to its environment.

Geological Importance of the Expedition

Although the expedition is remembered for its ethnographic observations, its principal objective remained geological exploration.

Hatton searched for indications of:

 coal,
 petroleum,
 copper,
 antimony,
 and other economically valuable minerals.

His surveys contributed to the earliest scientific understanding of northern Borneo's geological resources and helped shape subsequent exploration conducted under the British North Borneo Company. [1]

 A Legacy Cut Short

Frank Hatton's promising career ended tragically in March 1883 when he died from the accidental discharge of his own rifle during another expedition on the Segama River. He was only twenty-one years old.

Following his death, his father, Joseph Hatton, compiled Frank's diaries, official reports, and correspondence into North Borneo: Explorations and Adventures on the Equator, ensuring that his observations would survive as an invaluable historical record. The book remains a foundational source for the history, geography, and ethnography of nineteenth-century Sabah. [3]

Conclusion

Frank Hatton's first expedition from Siquati to Sampanmangio was more than a geological reconnaissance. It was an encounter between scientific exploration and the rich cultural landscape of northern Borneo. His detailed descriptions of the terrain, rivers, forests, and the Momogun Rungus people provide modern readers with a rare glimpse into Sabah during the early colonial period.

While modern interpretations—such as educational infographics and museum panels—help make his journey accessible to contemporary audiences, Hatton's original diaries remain the principal historical source. Together, they preserve the story of one of Borneo's earliest scientific explorers and the remarkable communities he encountered along the way. [1]

[1] North Borneo: Explorations and Adventures on the Equator - Frank Hatton - Google Books 

[2] Frank Hatton (explorer) 

[3] Our Book Shelf | Nature

Comment by 陳老頭 on June 21, 2026 at 12:14pm

[愛墾研創]日本令和新人

「令和新人」（Reiwa Shinjin / れいわしんじん）是指在 2019 年 5 月日本正式啟用「令和」年號之後，才陸續進入職場的日本年輕一代。

在年齡層上，他們主要由 Z 世代（約 1995-2009 年出生） 構成。這個詞彙在日本社會學與職場文化中被廣泛討論，用來統稱這群擁有全新價值觀、數位原生、且完全顛覆傳統日企「昭和式」工作邏輯的社會新鮮人。

以下盤點「令和新人」的核心職場標籤與特徵：

1.數位原生與遠距思維 (Digital Natives)

他們在大學後期或一入職時，恰逢新冠肺炎（COVID-19）疫情爆發。

他們非常習慣線上面試、遠距辦公（Remote Work）與無紙化作業。對他們而言，為了蓋一個印章而特地搭擠電車去公司上班，是完全無法理解且低效率的行為。

2.「職務型」契約觀念 (Job-based Choice)

傳統昭和或平成初期的員工接受公司「無條件調動職務與地點」（成員型雇用）。

令和新人則極度強調「職務給（Job-based Pay）」。他們入職時就要求明確的工作範圍（Job Description），認為自己與公司是平等的對等契約關係。如果主管要求做職責以外的雜事，他們會認為這是不專業的表現。

3.追求「可攜式能力」與個人成長 (Portable Skills)

經歷了日本經濟「失去的三十年」，他們親眼目睹父輩對公司奉獻一生卻遭到裁員，因此完全不相信「終身雇用制」。

他們留在一家公司的唯一理由是：「這家公司能否讓我學到帶得走的專業技能？」 如果發現自己在做無意義的流水線工作、無法獲得實質成長，他們會毫不猶豫地跳槽。

4.捍衛「心理安全感」與生活平衡 (Work-Life Balance)

傳統職場流行「千錘百鍊、嚴厲斥責」的斯巴達式培訓。但令和新人極度重視「心理安全感（Psychological Safety）」。

他們需要主管給予明確的指導、具體且即時的正面反饋（如：1on1 面談）。如果遇到權威型、愛畫大餅或強迫參加下班應酬（飲酒會）的主管，他們會立刻選擇「安靜離職」。

5.衍生出的獨特社會現象

因為這群令和新人的行為模式與傳統企業文化格格不入，催生了以下新型態現象：

「離職代辦（退職代行）」大爆紅：令和新人不願意面對辭職時長輩的指責與情緒勒索，寧可花錢請第三方代辦公司，當天傳封簡訊就閃電離職。

副業意識高漲：入職時首要關心公司是否「解禁副業」，透過多棲發展（如經營自媒體、接案）來分散職涯風險。

簡言之，「令和新人」就是日本職場「個人主義」的代言人。他們不再將公司視為「家」，而是視為實現個人價值的「平台」與「工具」。


註：「Job-based choice」在中文裡通常指「基於工作本身的職業選擇」、「以崗位為核心的選擇」，或人力資源管理中的「基於崗位的選擇」。

Comment by 陳老頭 on June 10, 2026 at 8:30pm

[愛墾研創·嫣然]尋回土地的尊嚴：從杜威教育哲學，看偏鄉小獨中的文創職教革命

在當代全球化與都市化的雙重夾擊下，偏鄉邊緣化與技術官僚主義的教育體制，正共同製造出一代代「懸浮」的青年。體制教育將幸福窄化為一場向外逃離的晉升競賽——唯有考離家鄉、擠進都市、進入主流白領產業，才被視為成功。然而，這種「為未來而準備」的教育，卻讓偏鄉孩子在出發前就失去了主體性。

面對此一困境，近年崛起的「偏鄉小獨中」與「文創職教」浪潮，正試圖開闢一條反叛之路。這場變革的核心關懷——「學會在真實世界裡幸福地生活」，恰與百年前約翰·杜威（John Dewey）的實用主義教育哲學產生了跨越時空的深刻共鳴。

一、拒絕懸浮：以「教育即生活」重建偏鄉的主體性

傳統偏鄉教育的悲劇，在於其內容與學生周遭的真實世界完全脫節。當孩子們在群山環抱或海風吹拂的教室裡，背誦著與其生命經驗毫無交集的都市化教材時，教育便成了馬克思筆下的「異化」。

杜威犀利地指出：「教育不是為未來的生命做準備，教育就是生命本身。」

偏鄉小獨中的文創職教，其本質就是一場對生命主權的奪回。當新北三峽的「甘樂文創」帶領孩子走入老街，將藍染、金工與皮革轉化為職能課程；當花東的實驗學校將山林與海洋化為教室，教育便不再是遠方都市的投影，而是此時此地的生活。

文創職教讓偏鄉孩子明白：他們的自然經驗、族群文化、甚至是長輩的務農日常，都不是落後的象徵，而是獨一無二的文化資本。在這種「教育即生活」的實踐中，幸福不再是「離開家鄉後的遠大前程」，而是「在本地安居樂業的當下感知」。

    (Source: https://www.pinterest.com)

二、打破圍牆：以「學校即社會」啟動地方創生

傳統學校是一座與世隔絕的象牙塔，而杜威則主張「學校即社會」，學校應是一個微型的民主社區。偏鄉小獨中因為規模小、體制靈活，反而擁有了打破圍牆的天然優勢。它不應該是一座孤島，而應成為地方創生的心臟。

日本德島縣神山町的「神山丸高專」與「Food Hub Project」便是絕佳的範例。在這座凋零的小鎮裡，學校與地方產業、IT衛星辦公室、在地農夫深度綑綁。學生在學校裡不只是聽課的消費者，而是社會的生產者與公民。當文創職教的學生必須承接真實社區的市集規劃、為小農設計電商包裝、記錄老一輩的鄉土料理時，他們便直接進入了真實世界的運作架構。這種連結消解了偏鄉孩子常有的邊緣感與無力感，讓他們在社會性的互動中，確立了自己身為「地方守護者」與「文化轉譯者」的尊嚴。

三、拒絕馴化：以「從做中學」培育抗衡AI時代的感知力

長久以來，職業教育常被降格為「工具人」的馴化工具，強調機械式的重複操作與規格化輸出。然而，杜威的「從做中學」（Learning by doing）并非盲目的勞動，而是一種包含「行動、遭遇阻礙、反思、調整」的連續性經驗改造。

在文創職教的語境下，「做」意味著動手將抽象的文化符號轉化為具體的物質載體。無論是陶藝的燒製、紀錄片的剪輯，還是民宿空間的設計，學生都在與真實材料、真實市場、真實痛點進行真刀真槍的博弈。在這個過程中，他們習得的不是被動的知識，而是「應對不確定性」的底層能力。在AI能夠輕易取代規格化技能的時代，這種在土地上磨礪出的身體感、美學洞察力與問題解決能力，才是無法被科技剝奪的軟實力。

四、結語：在真實世界裡，迎向一種有機的幸福

杜威曾說，當經驗能夠不斷連續、互動並豐富未來的經驗時，這便是最良善的教育。偏鄉小獨中的文創職教，最終指向的不是冷冰冰的就業率或產值，而是一種「完人」的誕生。

它讓偏鄉孩子在成長的過程中，沒有弄丟自己的根；它讓孩子在與社區、自然的互動中，學會了愛與被愛；它透過雙手的創造，賦予了孩子安身立命的技能與自信。

這種幸福，不是消費主義下被商品填滿的虛妄滿足，而是一種與土地共生、與社群共好、具備真實感與主體性的「有機幸福」。偏鄉小校的這場教育實驗，不僅拯救了凋零的地方，更在應試教育的集體焦慮中，為現代教育照亮了一條返璞歸真的生路。

Comment by 陳老頭 on May 19, 2026 at 2:43pm

陳明發博士：鋤頭叙事～～1940年鴉片戰爭時，好些農民手拿鋤頭和菜刀，就去面對英國海軍的大炮。那是很無辜、也很無奈的事。對許多客家人來說，這些在炮火中飛起、碎屍散下的身影，卻讓他們強烈感受到了非改變不可的決心。當國家保護不了你，單有改變的決心還不夠，還得有信心。那些決心南下的客家人，特別是隨外國教團到沙巴古達的家庭，那份信心來自他們早已習慣了墾荒。手裡的鋤頭對抗不了炮火，但客家人「人鋤一體」的農耕技術，讓他們後來成了沙巴的主要政治文教原動力。今天，年輕一代，稍有敬意的，在各地文物館願意和鋤頭拍張照；但一聽到這就是開埠工藝就笑壞了。我滿臉為人師表應有的模様嚴肅告訴他們：你們的祖上一把鋤頭就把你們帶到了眼前的世界，你們每個人現在至少手裡有一部智能手機，比那把鋤頭High-tech多了。AI的到來，不只是讓我們把自己的照片修得美美的，除了把世界修得更美好，更可能創造出不一樣的人生。（19.5.2026 陳明發博士）

Comment by 誰還記得北婆羅州？ on May 13, 2026 at 1:18pm

[愛墾研創·嫣然]Alena Murang：来自婆羅洲森林的繆斯～～在地方文創的視框下，Alena Murang 的創作實踐，以及馬來西亞長期面對的人才外流現象，可以被視為同一條文化結構的兩個端點：一端是「流失與外移」，另一端則是「再創造與回流」。前者呈現地方在全球化中的張力，後者則展示地方如何重新找到自身的文化生產力。


馬來西亞長期討論的「brain drain」（人才外流），從表面上看是經濟與教育體系的問題，但若放入文化視角，它其實同時反映了一種更深層的現象：地方是否能夠承接並轉化自身培養出來的能力與創意。當受過專業訓練的年輕人選擇離開，本質上並不只是個體的移動，而是地方與全球之間在「價值回報」上的不對稱。這種不對稱，使得地方逐漸失去一部分能夠進行文化更新與產業創新的核心能量。

然而，與此同時，砂拉越的 Alena Murang 提供了一種截然不同的敘事路徑。她並非離開地方文化語境，而是以原住民文化為核心資源，在全球藝術系統中重新建構其可見性。她所使用的 sape（沙貝琴）原本屬於長屋文化中的儀式性樂器，承載著口述歷史、族群記憶與社群生活，但在現代化過程中，這類文化形式本可能逐漸邊緣化。然而，在她的創作中，這些元素並未被簡化為「文化符號」，而是被重新組織為當代音樂與視覺語言，使地方文化獲得新的表達形態。

從地方文創的角度來看，她的實踐具有三個重要意義。

首先，她將「文化資源」轉化為「文化生產力」。原住民語言、音樂與故事，不再只是保存對象，而是可以被重新編碼、創作與流通的內容資本。這種轉化，使地方文化不再只是歷史遺產，而是持續生成的創意系統。

其次，她重構了「地方」與「世界」的關係。在傳統的文化想像中，地方常被視為等待被現代化或被全球化吸收的對象；但在她的作品中，地方反而成為主動發聲的中心。sape 的聲音不需要被翻譯成主流文化語言，而是以自身音色與節奏直接進入國際音樂市場，形成一種「非中心化的全球連結」。

第三，她實際回應了人才外流所留下的文化空缺問題。當社會討論「15%人才外流」時，隱含的焦慮是地方創造力的削弱；但 Alena Murang 的存在顯示，另一種可能性是：即使在全球流動加劇的情況下，文化創作者仍可以透過跨域平台，把地方資源轉化為全球可見的文化內容。換言之，流動不必然等於流失，也可能是重新分布的創造網絡。

因此，將人才外流與 Alena Murang 的創作並置，可以看見一個更完整的地方文創圖像：地方真正的挑戰，不只是如何「留住人」，而是如何讓文化與知識在流動中仍能持續生成價值。如果地方只能被動承受人才流失，它將逐漸空心化；但如果地方能像 Alena Murang 的創作那樣，把自身文化轉化為可參與全球對話的語言，它就不再只是被動的輸出地，而是文化意義的生產節點。

在這個意義上，地方文創的核心問題並不是「如何阻止離開」，而是「如何讓地方在離開與留下之間仍然成立」。Alena Murang 的實踐提供了一種答案：地方不是地理邊界，而是一種可被重新創造的文化關係。

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