Comment

Comment by OVEPI on April 19, 2024 at 9:41am

藝術鄉建——焦點：各地藝術鄉建共同面臨的問題首先依然是在地和主體性問題。藝術鄉建有四個主要的推動力：當代藝術內部的觀念性轉向、政府政策導向、創意經濟崛起和逆城市化潮流。藝術鄉建開始變成背負過強道德性與倫理感的一種身份壓力。藝術從業者開始和鄉村一起進入生產-消費的交換流通體系裡，以求達到鄉建目標。把藝術鄉建放置在「建設」的知識經驗中，會弱化藝術鄉建在替代性、可能性、先鋒性上的特質。空間改造主打的藝術鄉建，應落腳於重構「傳統」、「遺產」相關的價值話語。「文藝鄉建」導向的仍然是一種基於空間交錯的休閒經濟。弱視角與微觀視角，是近年來采納人類學方法的藝術實踐的一個共性。如何處理與當地人的關係（社會關係、知識產權、情感聯系等）等倫理問題，人類學更應有所貢獻。「藝術鄉建」在觸動和改變有關鄉村的話語體系和城鄉文化關係上，已經成效顯著。但在新形態的主體性養成方面，仍然需要一個更長的時間坐標才能有所論斷。

體驗脈絡：藝術鄉建之所以與一般建設工程不同，恰恰在於其「藝術」的面向，這個藝術面向不只是呈現為「作品」，或簡化為「美化」、「裝飾」、「藝術節」，而是更具有生命感的、嵌入當地生活與社會關係脈絡中的體驗方式。

藝術效用空間：如果希望藝術鄉建作為中國農村社會發展與轉型的唯一出路，那麼不僅藝術鄉建難以勝任，任何一種單方面建設都難以勝任。藝術及藝術家有其擅長的方面，例如借由一種多感官、超語言、超文本的總體感知方式體悟世界，但這並不意味著它可以替代諸如政策、行政、基建等職能在鄉村建設方面的作用。從另一方面說，鑑於「藝術鄉建」多討論建設而非藝術，或許藝術鄉建的作用不是被誇大，而是真正能夠發揮「藝術」效用的部分還有相當大的空間值得探索。


Related:

設計故事館

愛墾慕課·研究篇

文化特區運動

鄉韻

PGC

世界文化遺產

(李耕 馮莎 張暉：中國藝術人類學前沿話題三人談：藝術參與鄉村建設的人類學前沿觀察; 原文載於《民族藝術》2018年第3期，請以紙質版為准。)

Comment by OVEPI on March 21, 2024 at 7:22am

 A History of Pahang

CHAPTER II.THE PRE-MALACCAN PEOPLE.

In the seventh century A.D. a kingdom called by Chinese chroniclers San Fo-ts'i which has been identified by Dr. Coedes with the Malay Seri-Vijaya with a capital, at one period, situated in Palembang, became predominant in the Malay Archipelago and the Peninsula. This empire has been thought to be the contem- porary Zabug or Zabag of Arab geographers. In 1225 A.D. the Chinese writer Chau Ju-Kua, apparently describing conditions in the preceding century, records that Pong-fong (Pahang) was one of the dependencies of San Fo-ts'i. Another vassal state of San Fo-ts'i was Tan-ma-ling, to which place we shall return presently. The Tao i chik lio written by Wang Ta-Yuan in 1349 makes mention of P'eng K'eng (Pahang) and Pa-tu-ma (?Pulau Tioman) among other regions.

According to the Nagarakrtagama, composed in 1365, Pahang, Ujong Medini (Johore), Muar, Langkasuka, Kelantan, Trengganu, Paka and Dungun, Tumasik (Singapore), Sang Yang Ujong (Sungai Ujong), Kelang and Kedah were tributary states of Majapahit. To this list of the Javanese empire's dependencies the " Chronicles of Pasai " add various islands off the east coast of the Peninsula including Pulau Tioman, Pulau Tinggi, Pulau Pemanggil and Pulau Laut.

The History of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1643)1 presents a picture of Pahang in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: " Pahang is situated at the west of Siam. In the year 1378 the king, Maharaja Tajau, sent envoys with a letter on a gold leaf, and bringing as tribute six foreign slaves, and products of the country. They were received according to the established rules. "

[Pg.16] In the year 1411 the king, Pa-la-mi-so-la-ta-lo-si-ni sent envoys carrying tribute. In 1412 Cheng Ho went as an envoy to their country, and in the year 1414 they sent tribute a gain.

"In the year 14.16 they sent tribute together with Kalikut and Java, and Cheng Ho was again ordered to go there.

" The soil of this country is fertile; the climate is always warm, and rice is abundant there; they make salt by boiling sea water, and wine by fermenting the sap of the coconut tree.

" The higher and lower classes are on a very intimate footing, and there are no thieves ; they are very superstitious regarding demons and spirits, making their images of fra- grant wood, and sacrificing men. to them, m order to avert calamities or to pray for happiness. "

Amongst the articles which they brought as tribute were elephant-teeth, camphor baros, olibanum, lignum aloes, sandal wood, pepper, sapan-wood, and such more .... "

（1）Book 325, quoted in " Notes on the Malay Archipelago " by W. P. Groeneveldt: Miscellaneous Papers relating to Indo-China, 2nd Series, Vol. I, London, 1887, p. 256. 1936) Royal Asiatic Society.

Comment by OVEPI on February 24, 2024 at 9:10pm

Tajau of the Chinese chronicler may be Tanjong, and the reference may be to the northern head-land of the estuary of the river Pahang which was known to sea-farers as TanJong Pahang, " Cape Pahang."

Pa-la-mi-so-la-ta-lo-si-ni was almost certainIy the Chinese rendering of Parameswara Telok1 Chini, " the prince of Chini Haven." Chini, which, in Siamese, means gibbon, gives its name to a mountain, a lake, a stream and a village situated about forty miles from the mouth of the river Pahang. There pre-Malaccan remains have been found. （3） In the same locality is Luit, with a village Singgora called after the capital of Patani, where, too, there are traces of pre-Malaccan habitation.3 Except on the banks of the river, Chini is still jungle-clad, and little investigation has yet been done. For the Malays, Lake Chini has associations with the past : in their eyes the lake and its adjoining mountain are sacred, and they credit the place with the possession of a white crocodile styled Seri Pahang: "the glory of Pahang." It is possible that the lake did not always exist in its present form and that it covers the site of an ancient town. Only when the jungle gives up its secrets will the truth be known.

[pg 17]  Assuming the correctness of these identifications, we then have, in 1378 A.D., a king at Tanjong Pahang known by the designation of Maharaja, and, in 14ll A.D., at Chini, a ruler with the style of Parameswara4, a title also used by the founder of Malacca. Did these two kingships exist contemporaneously or do both titles refer to the same undivided line of rulers with merely a change o[ residence, or is it to be supposed that between 1378 and 14ll the king at Tanjong Pahang was displaced by the Chini potentate? These are questions which cannot, at present, be answered.

We are told by d'Eredia that the kings of Pahang ruled only the coastal region. We know that the ruler of Pahang, at the date of its conquest by the Malacca Malays about 1454, bore the title of Maharaja. There is reason to believe that, at least as far as the people were concerned, apart from their rulers, the region of Kampong Melayu near Chini was at one time the boundary between the Malays and another race.1

2 Menangkabau: telok, a bay, or a bend in the river, commonly used in the expression telok rantau
"the bends and the reaches " of a river.

3 J. M. B. R. A. S., Vol. VI, Pt. IV, 1928, p. 79.

4 Journal, F.M.S. Museums, Vol. IX, Pt. 2, 1920, p. 152.

5 Dr. P. V. van Stein Callenfels points out that the term Parameswara seems to have been, in mediaeval times, in Majapahit and Bali the special title of the non-royal husband of a ruling princess, and that the word where it occurs in old inscriptions, designates the consort of a queen.

7 J. M. B. R. A. S., Vol. VI, Pt. IV, 1928, p. 81. 1 " Report on the Golden Chersonese," translation by J. V. Mills (J. M. B. R. A. S., Vol. VIII, P t. I, p. 233). 

Comment by OVEPI on February 23, 2024 at 2:55pm

The Hsing-ch'a Sheng-lan, written in 1486 by Fei Hsin, a Chinese Moslem and an Arabic scholar, gives the following interesting account of Pahang and its people :

" This country is situated at the west of Siam ; it is surrounded by rocky ridges of mountains, which, seen from a distance, have the appearance of a table-land. The ground is fertile, and they have abundance of rice. The weather is often very warm.

"Their customs cannot be much praised; they make human images of fragrant wood, and kill people in order to make a sacrifice of the blood, when they pray for luck or try to ward off evil.

" Men and women have their hair in a knot, and are clad with a single piece of cloth. Girls of rich families wear four or five golden circles on their foreheads, and the daughters of the common people use strings of coloured glass beads instead.

" They boil salt out of sea-water, and make wine by fermenting rice-gruel. " Products of the country are lignum-aloes, camphor, tin and a kind of wood used in dyeing. Articles of import are gold, silver, coloured silks, Java-cloth, copper and iron- ware, gongs, boards, etc."

[pg. 18] According to d' Eredia, Pahang was the second Malay kingdom in the Peninsula, in succession to Patani, and flourished before the founding of Malacca ; the ruler of Pahang in the latter part of the fourteenth century, a relative (by marriage) of Parameswara, first ruler of Malacca, was Lord of Ujong Tanah (the southerly part of the peninsula including Singapore).

d'Eredia 2 records that .: " Pan was the second seat of the Empire of the Malaios ; its site lies on the eastern coast of the Peninsula in three degrees of North latitude; the port is just as much frequented by merchants, because of the gold from its auriferous mines : it contains the best and largest gold-mines in the whole Peninsula : it was from here, one presumes, that there came the gold which formed the subject of the ancient trade with Alexandria .... "

The same chronicler writes : （8） " It is to be noted that the eastern coast of Ujontana was peopled and frequented before the other 01:  western coast : thus the histories relate that Malayos, was inhabited Pattane and Pam before the foundation of Malacca. "

Comment by OVEPI on February 22, 2024 at 4:41pm

At that time the ruler of Pam governed Syncapura : and the monarch who resided in Pathane, the metropolis of the Malayos, was tributary to the empire of Syam, for right clown to the present day the Malayos regard the latter as their master: while the head of the principal empire and administration was the Emperor of Attay .... "

He adds : ·' Permicuri,2 by birth a Jao of Palimban in Samatta or the Golden Chersonese allied himself in marriage with the lords and monarchs of Patane and Pam who belonged to the family of the Malaios .... " 3

[Pg 18]

This first Malaccan potentate chose Malacca as his headquarters about the end of the 14th century. cl'Eredia relates that:

" Permicuri selected this spot in the interests of his own safety, for he stood in fear of the ruler of Pam, over-lord of the countries of Ujontana, who was making warlike preparations to capture him, in consequence of the treachery which Permicuri had perpetrated in Sincapura, when he assassinated the ' Xabandar ' who was telated to the lord of Pam, despite the kindness which the ' Xabandar' had shown at his house in Syncapura, when Permicuri took refuge there in his flight from his father-in-law the Emperor of Java Major .... " 4

In the same chapter d'Ereclia calls Permicuri the " flrst king of the Malayos." According to d'Albuquerque's "Commen- taries," it was the ruler of Palani of whom Permicuri stood in fear, and the murdered chief's name was Tamagi.

d'Eredia (12) states that the religion of Islam was in introduced into Patani and Pahang before it was accepted by "Permicuri at Malacca in the year 1411." That statement is certainly true of Trengganu (which at that time appears to have formed a province of Patani), and is probably true of Pahang, though we have no other evidence to show that Islam was practised in the country before 1454.

Mahayana Buddhism, on which were superimposed Tantric orgies involving human sacrifice, had reached the Malay Peninsula about the 8th century. Its influence in Pahang, I though it waned with the introduction of Islam as the State religion about 1454, may be traced up to the beginning of the 17th century.

In the 12th century the kingdom of San Fo-ts'i began to decline, and by the 14th century, in the south, the east-Java state of Majapahit had become predominant, while, in the north, by 1292, the Siamese (Thai) kingdom, with its capital at Sukhodaya, had emerged.

8. d'Eredia's "Description of Malacca," translation by J.V. Mills, loc. cit., p. 3
9. An incorrect rendering of Parameswara.
10. aop. cit., p. 57.
11. op. cit., p. 16.
12. op. cit., p. 49.
13. JRAS (Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XIV, Part II, History of Pahang. 9 ~

A vassal of San Fo-ts'i, according to Chau Ju-Kua, was Tan-ma-ling. Gerini (13) identified this country with Kuantan, a district of Pahang, on the ground that the north promontory of the Kuantan river was called Tanjong Tembiting, '' Cape Ternbeling.''

Comment by OVEPI on February 21, 2024 at 8:33am

Candrabhanu a king of Ligor who, according to the Jaiya inscription (which has now been discovered to have come from Ligor and not from Jaiya or Chaiya). styled himself Seri Dharma- raja and Lord of Tambralinga, the Ceylonese "Mahavamsa" tells us, led two hostile expeditions against Ceylon about the middle of the 13th century with Javaka (Malay) forces. (14)

By 1292, Ligor had become the extreme southern limit of the Thai kingdom of Sukhodaya (Sukhothai). Now Logor has been widely accepted as being the Tan-ma-ling of Chan Ju-Kua 15 and the Tambralinga of the Jaiya inscription. There are two localities in Pahang which are suggestive of the name given by the Chinese chronicler: the river Tembeling which, the discovery of numerous Neolithic and early iron-age implements there indicates, was at one time a thickly populated district, and Tanjung Tembeling the northern headland of Kuantan river. Was there a connection between these places and Logor?

The history of the Ming Dynasty states that the Pahang ruler who sent envoys to China in 1378 was called Maharaja, the same style as that  affected by the King of Logor. When the Malacca forces conquered Pahang about 1454, according to the Malay Annals, (16) they found there a “Siamese” prince with the title Maharaja Dewa Sura, king oi Logor (who bore the same title as that of the prince who ruled in Pahang about 1454), on the instruction of the king of Siam invaded Pahang.，following the route Tembeling.

It is not unlikely that this invasion state was in reassertion of a pre-Thai Suzerainty , that is to Ligor, the Tan-ma-ling of the Chinese and the Tambralinga of the Jaiya inscription, that we must look at least during one period, for the origin of the pre-Malaccan rulers of Pahang., and that it was the men of Ligor who give the name of their country Tan-Ma-ling to the river Tembeling, (18)，a highway of communication between Pahang and the north, and to Tanjung Tembeling at Kuantan, the only safe anchorage for their fleet on the coast during the season of the north-east monsoon (19), and the port of access to the rich tin mines of Sungai Lembing. To Ligor, a state powerful enough to invade Ceylon twice during 13^th cebtury , the conquest of Pahang must present no great difficulty.

Comment by OVEPI on February 20, 2024 at 10:28am

With the subjugation of ligor by Sukhothai about 1280 the suzerainty over Pahang fell to the Thai in the 14^th Century. In the same century Pahang suffered an invasion from Majapahit which thereafter claimed that State as one of its conquests. This raid may have had no lasting effect (20), thought it appeared that it resulted in inter-marriage between members of the ruling family of Majapahit and the princes of Pahang. The Thai over-lords of Ligor apparently did not interfere with the Ligor dynasty in Pahang but they, too, may have contracted marriage alliances with the Pahang royal family. The new empire had arisen in the nor contented itself with exciting tribute from Pahang and establishing settlements in the country.

The Pre-Malaccan people of Pahang lived by mining gold, tin, and iron and planning rice. They left many traces; irrigation works, mine workings, remains of brick building, specimens of Sawankalok pottery, and probably the pottery industry at Kuala Tembeling which has survived through years to the present days. The pre-Malaccan occupied the Tembeling, Thet can be traced as far as south as the Merchong. They extended into the Pahang and the Jelai;their tracks can be found along lake Chini up to the Headwaters of the Rombin; in the old Selinsing mines scoops of Palas wood used by them have been discovered. They left numerous relics in gold-working at Tresang and Sempore. They make their way to bebar, They established settlements at Jeram Kuai (Koi) and Jong Berlabon on the Tembeling, at Lubok Pelang, Lubok Paku, at Chini, at Langgar, at Pengkalan Durian in Ulu Bebar, at pura, and else where. Their occupation is commemorated by the nomenclature of places such as Chini, Parit Siam, Tambak Siam, Lubang Siam (or Lumbong Siam),, Parit Siam, Sungai Lego (Ligor) a tributary of the Tekam in the vicinity of Kota gelanggi. (21)

(Chapter 2, The Pre-Malaccan People, in A History of Pahang, W. Linehan, Silverfish Malaysia Classic Series 18, 2020, Pakka English Enterprise, pg. 15-22, Previously published as Volume XIV Part II, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in May 1936 )

Comment by OVEPI on February 6, 2024 at 5:10am

雷小華：中國文化在RCEP合作中如何展現「美美與共」？

地緣相近的中國與東盟各國，在日益緊密的交流合作中，雙邊文化相互交融，你中有我，我中有你。風味獨特的東盟美食通過廣西憑祥口岸「飄香」中國各地，預包裝柳州螺螄粉等中國美食亦在東盟備受歡迎。

為順應《區域全面經濟夥伴關係協定》（RCEP）生效實施，中國—東盟博覽會（簡稱「東博會」）的服務範圍將向RCEP成員國拓展，雙方文化交流愈發密切。在中國與RCEP各國經貿合作日漸緊密的背景下，應如何豐富人文交流，展現文化間「美美與共」？廣西社會科學院東南亞研究所副所長、廣西社會科學院東南亞國別研究創新團隊首席專家雷小華近日接受中新社「東西問」獨家專訪，對此進行解析。

現將訪談實錄摘要如下：

中新社記者：中國—東盟自由貿易區的建成對雙方文化交流產生哪些影響？

雷小華：中國—東盟自由貿易區建成十多年來，中國與東盟90%以上的7000多種商品關稅降為零。這對兒童玩具、廣播影視器材、文化節目以及影視劇、電影、動漫等服務貿易的進出口起到促進作用。

當前，中國對東盟的投資方向，正由傳統的基礎設施領域逐步向旅遊景區、旅遊服務平臺、廣播影視等文化類基礎設施轉變，甚至參與文化類節目和產品製作，這在一定程度上提升了東盟國家文化類基礎設施的建設水平，豐富了東盟國家文化產品。

同時，中國與東盟已互為最主要的旅遊目的地之一。特別是在新冠肺炎疫情暴發前的2019年，中國與東盟雙向人員往來創新高，超過6500萬人次，每周往返於中國和東南亞之間的航班近4500架次，中國赴東盟國家遊客3907萬人次。

隨著文化產品貿易擴大、文化類基礎設施建設水平提升以及人員往來規模迅速增長，中國與東盟文化交融的民意基礎日益夯實。

中新社記者：中國—東盟自貿區的建立，給中國人的餐桌帶來哪些變化？

雷小華：中國的經濟發展和強大的內需市場，特別是構建以國內大循環為主體、國內國際雙循環相互促進的新發展格局，給東盟國家帶來巨大出口機遇，特別是農產品和當季水果。如越南已有9種水果可以出口至中國，正在洽談的還有7種。今年春節期間，泰國的榴蓮、山竹，越南的菠蘿蜜、火龍果以及大量水產品經廣西進入中國市場。

東盟國家物美價廉的商品，不僅豐富了中國消費者的餐桌，而且讓早年比較昂貴的水果價格日益親民，榴槤、山竹、菠蘿蜜等已成為中國普通百姓餐桌上司空見慣的水果。

中新社記者：中國和東盟文化相近相通，這對自貿區建設起到哪些作用？

雷小華：中國與東盟地緣相近、民俗相通，彼此熟悉對方，能用最舒適的方式進行交往，相互猜忌和顧忌較少，有利於提升雙方互信水平，全面推進自貿區框架下全方位高水平的合作。

同時，因為文化相近相通，雙方交流語言障礙不多，溝通起來更加方便、暢通，有利於雙方人員往來和經貿合作。中國與東盟互為第一大旅遊目的地，就得益於此。

此外，文化的相近相通讓雙方彼此熟悉對方風俗習慣，有利於企業在當地市場開展調研，生產或推廣適銷對路的產品，滿足各國消費者的需求，有利於實現開拓對方市場和擴大產品市場占有率的目的。

中新社記者：中國與東盟之間人文交流淵源久遠，雙方以人文交流推動經貿合作的經驗，對RCEP建設有哪些借鑒意義？

一是相互尊重，包容互鑒。中國倡導與鄰為善、以鄰為伴，做相互信任和相互尊重的真誠朋友和戰略夥伴。正是有了相互尊重，中國和東盟之間形成了「和而不同」「求同存異」的局面。中國與東盟國家歷史文化多元包容、各具特色，民間交往源遠流長、歷久彌新，社會各界廣泛參與，交流渠道不斷拓寬，各領域交流密切活躍，民眾往來愈益頻繁，交流特色品牌不斷湧現。「親戚越走越近，朋友越走越親」，這個道理也適用於與RCEP國家的交往合作。

二是充分發揮華僑華人的橋梁和紐帶作用。東盟國家有大量華僑華人，他們不僅推動當地經濟發展，也促進了民眾對中華文化的認知和了解，提升中華文化影響力。

三是不斷夯實民間交往基礎。中國與東盟的教育、旅遊等人文交流具有龐大規模，這些是雙邊關係走深走實的基礎。

Comment by OVEPI on February 6, 2024 at 5:09am

中新社記者：中國和RCEP成員國在經貿文化方面有哪些差異性和互補性？中國文化怎樣才能更好地走向RCEP成員國？如何呈現文化間的「美美與共」？

雷小華：中國與RCEP成員國在政治製度、宗教、意識形態等方面差異性較大。傳播中華文化和文化間「美美與共」，需要各方共同努力。

一是發展更緊密的戰略夥伴關係。在地區形勢日趨複雜、雙邊關係遭到域外國家干涉的情況下，中國應與RCEP國家堅持對話合作的大方向不動搖，以真誠溝通促進理解信任，以求同存異妥善處理分歧爭議；加強高層交流、接觸、政策溝通，擴大各層級互訪，促進治理經驗分享，確保東亞合作的可持續性發展。

二是以更包容的心態看待彼此文化差異。正確看待和尊重彼此文化差異，兼容並蓄，相互欣賞對方的優秀文化；針對不同國家、受眾群體，根據政治體製、文化背景、風俗習慣、宗教信仰等分出多個層次，製定「一國一策」；加強文化產業合作，鼓勵文化產業包容性發展。

三是加強市場調研，開發滿足消費者需求的文化產品。正因有差異性，才要加強市場調研，充分了解各國民族習慣和消費習慣，針對不同國家量身定做出適銷對路的產品，例如用更多本地推廣平臺和代言人進行文化產品的宣傳推廣。

中新社記者：廣西南寧舉行的東博會，是促成中國和東盟文化交往和文化貿易的「南寧渠道」。RCEP生效實施後，東博會服務範圍將向RCEP拓展，未來南寧是否會成為中國和RCEP成員國文化交融的中心？

雷小華：未來，南寧可在中國和RCEP成員國文化交融中發揮重要作用。

一是用好中國—東盟博覽會的平臺功能。推動平臺從服務中國—東盟「10+1」向服務RCEP成員國拓展，開辟服務貿易專題展區，進一步擴大文化貿易規模，提升對文化類基礎設施投資建設的水平。

二是積極實施高層對話平臺提升行動。承辦好中國與RCEP國家建交周年紀念活動，鞏固與RCEP成員國的「朋友圈」，辦好中國—東盟文化論壇、中國—東盟博覽會文化展、中國—東盟博覽會動漫遊戲展等多邊活動，並將其擴展到RCEP成員國，為促進中國與RCEP國家的人文交流發揮積極作用。

三是進一步深化人文交流。繼續舉辦「東盟文化周」、美麗中國等文化交流品牌活動；在鞏固傳統人文交流基礎上，拓展科技合作、公共衛生合作、環保合作、國際減貧合作、數字經濟合作等新領域。

四是提升廣西面向RCEP成員國的國際傳播能力。通過創新傳播方式和內容，努力將中國故事、中國形象經南寧渠道傳播到RCEP國家，讓更多民眾了解全面、立體、生動的中國。（中國自由貿易區服務網/文章來源: 中國新聞網 2022-03-17））


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Comment by OVEPI on January 29, 2024 at 3:20pm

Cultural hubs: How to create a multidimensional experience by Art Insights

What is a cultural hub?

A clustering of cultural venues such as museums, galleries and performance spaces with secondary attractions including food and retail.

Did you know cultural hubs are on the rise in the UK? As museums and galleries increasingly pool resources, content and marketing, cultural consumers are also demonstrating an appetite for experiences that are multidimensional and incorporate more than one venue.

In recent years we have seen the launch of several interesting museum partnerships and marketing initiatives, such as the Cornwall Museums Partnership, Bath Museums Partnership, Coastal Culture Trail, London’s Museum Mile, Yorkshire Sculpture Triangle and Art in Yorkshire.

What we haven’t known until now is the scope of UK audiences’ appetite for these kinds of groupings, or the scale of opportunity they present to attract and increase visitors – whether formally as ‘hubs’ or through a more informal setup.

In 2015 we commissioned research to discover how organisations could best capitalise on cultural hubs in order to grow audiences.

We hope the results provide actionable insights you can use when collaborating with your peers to create a hub.

Aims and approaches

Our aim:

To grow your audiences through a shared vision Our research was designed to find out how, by teaming up and collaborating, you may be able to find creative, cost-effective ways to engage new visitors – and take your organisation from venue to multidimensional experience.

Our approach

The research project comprised three stages:

1. Stakeholder research Quantitative survey among cultural marketers

2. Visitor research In-depth qualitative research using focus groups comprised of
different cultural consumers – Classically Cultured, Contemporary Cultured and
Leisure Magpies – across four regions of the UK

3. Testing Quantitative survey among cultural consumers to test significance of findings

Cultural Consumers

1 Classically Cultured Cultural consumers with a fairly traditional and classical repertoire

2 Contemporary Cultured Cultural consumers with a voracious, diverse and
progressive repertoire

3 Leisure Magpies More mainstream cultural consumers with a varied leisure repertoire

Insights and observations

Current engagement is varied Our research found that, at this stage, even cultural marketers aren’t fully engaged with the term ‘cultural hub’.

In 2015 just over a third of people working in museum or gallery marketing departments claimed to be aware of the term in isolation. But when the concept was described there was more recall, and over half of marketers thought there were currently more than 10 cultural hubs in the UK.

Related:

Hubs can champion smaller venues

How to create a multidimensional experience

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