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Since China’s ambitious ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative (“Initiative”) was first introduced in October 2013 by President Xi Jinping, the rest of the world has been playing close attention to how this major pillar of China’s economic policy will impact its integration with the global economy. It is being heralded as a blueprint for greater cooperation and integration through the development of an infrastructure network connecting all sub-regions in Asia, and between Asia, Europe and Africa.
In recent months, the Initiative has gained significant momentum with the unveiling of an overall strategic plan in March entitled “Vision and Actions Outlined on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road” (“Vision and Actions”) by the National Development and Reform Commission, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Commerce.
In particular, it places a strong emphasis on orienting the Maritime Silk Road towards the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), accelerating the development of the Initiative.
Singapore’s unique position under the One Belt, One Road Initiative
According to the framework of Vision and Actions, Southeast Asia is an important area of the Initiative and strengthening the infrastructure of the countries along the route is a key priority. Southeast Asia is rich in resources but the lack of construction funds is a barrier to the region’s economic growth, causing an infrastructure deficit, low levels of industrial development and other issues.
For example, some Southeast Asian island nations still rely on archaic port facilities with outdated shipping vessels, making it difficult to ship manufactured products to other countries. On the other hand, some landlocked Southeast Asian countries are constrained by their terrains limiting their ability to construct transport infrastructure such as highways and railways, which is one of the hurdles these regions face in reaching their full economic potential. The Initiative strives to promote capital and technology investment by China into these ports, transport routes and other infrastructure in order to improve the circulation of resources, market integration and allow for better facilitation of trade and investment in Southeast Asia. By capitalizing on this Initiative, Southeast Asia will become one of the primary destinations for Chinese enterprises seeking to expand globally.
Singapore is the most economically advanced country in the Southeast Asian region and is likely to enhance its position as a world player as the Initiative implementation comes to fruition. As one of the world’s leading financial centres, the number one hub for commodities and oil trading in Asia, and a vital connection hub for China, Asia and Asia Pacific markets, Singapore is ranked as the country with the highest investment value (out of 64 countries included in the Initiative), according to a country investment value report issued in March 2015 by Grand View, an independent Think-Tank of China. The country’s key industries are drawing the attention of Chinese enterprises looking to invest in the region and many Chinese enterprises have already successfully integrated their regional resources and achieved internationalization through various methods of investment in Singapore. It is not a surprise that Singapore has established itself as the second leading offshore hub for RMB trading.
And that’s only one part of it. We expect to see Singapore’s status become more prominent as the shipping and aviation hub of Southeast Asia, in addition to witnessing an increase in trade and personnel exchange across the region as a result of the construction and development of infrastructure, such as ports, airports and other facilities. At the same time, we anticipate that Singapore’s centricity to Southeast Asia’s financial, trade and logistics services will expand significantly. These enhancements are motivated by the Initiative, but complimented by Singapore’s highly established investment and financial services markets, its strong legal system, sound infrastructure, experienced financial systems, and political and social stability.
Key industries that will benefit from the Initiative
Infrastructure and logistics industry
Singapore’s well-established infrastructure sector and expertise in logistics will reap benefits for the city under the Initiative. Positioned in the heart of Southeast Asia and the gateway of the Strait of Malacca, Singapore has flourished as an infrastructure and logistics hub for the Asia-Pacific. For example, the port of Singapore is amongst the three busiest and largest container ports in the world. Around 200 shipping lines connect Singapore to circa 600 ports in more than 120 countries around the world. Chinese enterprises have taken notice of the city’s influence on trade in Southeast Asia and in recent years, China has upped the ante in its investment in Singaporean infrastructure.
In Vision and Actions, the Chinese government voiced their wish for countries along the route to “improve the connectivity of their infrastructure construction plans and technical standard systems […] and form an infrastructure network connecting all sub-regions in Asia and between Asia, Europe and Africa step by step.” Undeniably, China’s recent deal with Thailand to construct the Thai section of the Singapore-Kunming rail brings this dream one step closer into fruition and ASEAN members, with Singapore at the centre, inextricably closer into forging an impressive Asian trade sphere. Singapore’s next step as a leader in infrastructure and logistics will be in aiding her neighboring countries and fellow trading partners in developing theirs.
While GDP, industrial output, and consumption have soared across the Southeast Asian region in countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam over the past decade, power, water, and transport systems have struggled to keep pace. The Asian market, driven by the region’s growth, is stated to represent nearly 60% of global infrastructure spending by 2025. As such, the progress of Singapore’s infrastructure and logistics capabilities positions it to partner with Chinese investors in tackling the broader region’s infrastructure deficit and under the Initiative striving to advice the region.
Tourism industry
China has made it clear in Vision and Actions that tourism forms a key part of their plans for countries involved in the Initiative and will “jointly create competitive international tourist routes and products with Silk Road features; and make it more convenient to apply for tourist visa in countries along the Belt and Road”.
Tourism in Singapore is already a major industry and great contributor to the Singaporean economy. As the Initiative gains traction in the region, its impact will be crucial in helping even more tourists from neighboring countries visit Singapore.
Clean energy industry
In Vision and Actions, it is recommended that countries along the Initiative should work together “in the exploration and development of […] hydropower, nuclear power, wind power, solar power and other clean, renewable energy sources”. Building on its distinct competitive advantages as the premier clean energy hub for the region, Singapore is already strategically positioned to play a strong role in helping the clean energy industry capitalize on this continued growth in the Asia Pacific region under the Initiative. Leading businesses will use Singapore as a reference market to develop and trial solutions before expanding to neighboring countries.
Financial and professional services
As mentioned above, Singapore is one of the world’s leading financial centres and already plays an important role as a hub for raising and distributing equity and debt capital to facilitate investment in other parts of the region including the ASEAN countries, India and elsewhere in Asia-Pacific.
Consistent with that status, Singapore has strong, well regulated and transparent capital markets, as well as a significant concentration of expertise in banking and financial services, funds and investment management and private equity.
The Initiative creates significant opportunities for firms engaged in those areas, as well as the associated professional services, to assist both Singapore based and foreign enterprises as they look to participate in the financing and/or development of projects around the region in the sectors identified above.
Singapore as a hub for foreign investment
Singapore has a well-developed and well-regulated legal system with very low levels of corruption. Foreign investors are not required to enter into joint ventures or relinquish management control to local interests, and the same basic laws apply to both Singaporean and foreign investors. Singapore has more than 70 economic and tax treaties with other countries, and proven an attractive location for multi-national corporations, fund managers and other market participants to establish regional headquarters, funds or investment vehicles to facilitate investment into those other countries. While there are specific considerations for each industry, Singapore will certainly attract foreign investment in the key industries as discussed above. Its role as a transit destination for foreign investment into other countries (especially Southeast Asian countries) will also become more important along with the development of the Initiative.
Looking ahead
The Initiative establishes a blueprint for Asia’s future infrastructure development and serves as a roadmap for China's growing global influence.
The economic potential cannot be underestimated. In particular, the opportunities for Singapore are significant. The country’s role as a major business, financial and trade hub for the Asia Pacific region will only be enhanced as China seeks to make the goals of the Initiative a reality and engages with the other Asian countries in doing so. (27 May 2015)
This article was written by Xuhua Huang (Partner, Singapore) and Haibo Mo (Partner, Guangzhou).
Further Contact: http://www.kwm.com
Comment
Lucio Blanco Pitlo III·ASEAN Connectivity and China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’
Could there be a convergence of interests between these two grand projects?
The ASEAN Master Plan for Connectivity (AMPC) and China’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative share striking similarities and parallels. Both envisage transport connectivity as a way to bring member or participating countries closer to one another, facilitating better access for trade, investment, tourism and people-to-people exchanges. Like the “One Belt, One Road” project, AMPC calls for a system of roads and railways to link contiguous Southeast Asian countries with one another, as well as a system of ports for RoRo (roll-on roll-off) vessels and short sea shipping to link insular Southeast Asian countries with one another as well as with mainland Southeast Asia. Given this shared vision, it is interesting to consider how the two could complement one another and what issues could stand in the way.
China has since 2009 been ASEAN’s biggest trading partner and ASEAN has been China’s third largest trading partner since 2011. Trends indicate that two-way trade will only increase further in the coming years. In 2015 alone, it is expected to hit $500 billion. And since seamless transportation infrastructure can better spur trade, plans to enhance connectivity between the two sides is mutually beneficial. China also puts great emphasis on neighborhood diplomacy, and extending investments and official development assistance (ODA) to finance infrastructure projects is one way of winning the support and goodwill of neighboring developing countries. From this perspective, then, the convergence of interests is very apparent. However, while ASEAN and China shared an aspiration of enhancing transport connectivity, it remains to be seen how compatible AMPC and China’s Silk Road project really are.
AMPC is apparently more mature and is at a relatively advanced stage, having been the product of several high-level discussions and technical working group meetings since 2009. In contrast, the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) was only officially announced in 2013. As such, while many of the key pieces of AMPC had already been laid out, much of MSR’s details remain sketchy and China still has to engage potential partners. China had recently stepped up its efforts to provide assistance in executing ASEAN’s connectivity plan and this is a positive sign. Given the high costs involved in executing AMPC, donors and financial assistance should be welcomed. The Asian Development Bank and Japanese ODA are already engaged in AMPC, but there is still ample scope for the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the Silk Road Fund, as well as Chinese ODA. China has developed an impressive reputation in infrastructure projects such as ports, terminals and high-speed trains, and can offer such technology and expertise to support ASEAN’s plan. AMPC may also present opportunities for Chinese companies engaged in infrastructure work to partner with their local ASEAN counterparts in public-private partnership undertakings, an emerging mode for attracting private sector investment in public infrastructure projects.
Indeed, it can be said that momentum for China-ASEAN cooperation in realizing the AMPC is growing. On mainland Southeast Asia, for instance, the convergence of the 7,000 km-Singapore-Kunming Rail Link (SKRL) with ASEAN’s railway connectivity plans is becoming apparent; the recent deal between Thailand and China to construct the Thai section of the route may give this a big boost. If completed, the SKRL will link Kunming, the capital of China’s southwest Yunnan province, with all the capitals of mainland ASEAN countries (except Malaysia, since the line will bypass Kuala Lumpur on its way to Singapore). However, while cooperation on mainland Southeast Asia is picking up steam, Chinese support for the other component of the plan – maritime connectivity – is not yet in evidence. A March 2013 report identified several routes for the ASEAN RO-RO network (ARN), three of which were designated as priority routes for implementation in 2015: 1) Dumai (Indonesia)-Malacca (Malaysia); 2) Belawan (Indonesia)- Penang (Malaysia)-Phuket (Thailand) and; 3) Davao/General Santos (Philippines)-Bitung (Indonesia). Other routes were also identified, such as Muara (Brunei)-Labuan(Malaysia)-Brooke’s Point (Palawan) and Muara-Zamboanga (Philippines), but these secondary routes were hampered by such constraints as infrastructure and institutional arrangements. The report cited the unavailability of capable RoRo terminals and the need for a good road system to link ports with hinterland areas as among the issues that need to be addressed. This presents a new frontier for Chinese ODA or investments by Chinese enterprises. In addition, China also has an extensive experience in RoRo and short sea shipping with neighbors Japan and Korea and these lessons and best practices could be shared with appreciative maritime ASEAN states.
The Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA) will benefit from the completion of the ARN. It will spur intra-regional seaborne trade and commerce in a sub-region with much potential that has long remained a backwater, given its distance from their respective national metropolises. The presence of infrastructure can open these areas to further investment and bring economic opportunities to restive and less-developed areas such as southern Mindanao and the Sulu Islands. Regional cooperation to address maritime piracy, terrorism, smuggling, and seaborne transnational crime could also be established to secure investments in maritime infrastructure and safeguard the identified sea routes.
In recent years, China had upped the ante in its investments in ASEAN’s infrastructure sector. State-owned COSCO, one of the world’s largest shipping and logistics company, has a 49 percent stake in the COSCO-PSA terminal in Singapore. Beibu Gulf Holding (Hong Kong) Co. Ltd has a 38 percent equity share in a consortium that received a 30-year concession to manage, operate and develop Kuantan Port in Malaysia. This Port is poised to serve as a catalyst for the Malaysia-China Kuantan Industrial Park. China has also been investing in Indonesian infrastructure to facilitate access to the latter’s natural resources, such as oil and gas, coal, and mines. However, unlike in peninsular ASEAN, the pattern of Chinese infrastructure investments in maritime ASEAN states do not suggest convergence with the ARN.
Several factors can explain this. One is the absence of a direct link between China and the ARN. Unlike the rail connection in mainland ASEAN that could provide a landlocked Kunming direct access to an ASEAN port through SKRL, the ARN is too distant from most Chinese ports to facilitate a link. However, while the ARN may have marginal importance to China from an economic standpoint, being part and parcel of AMPC turns it into an opportunity for China to showcase its neighborhood diplomacy. Likewise, from an energy security vantage point, very large crude carriers from Africa and the Middle East bound for Northeast Asia (including China) may pass by BIMP-EAGA waters (through Lombok or Makassar Straits proceeding to the Sulu Sea and Mindoro Strait out to South China Sea) as an alternative to Malacca Strait.
Moreover, maritime ASEAN states are already according greater significance to their maritime economies and national interests. The Philippines had been promoting its Strong Republic Nautical Highway to enhance inter-island connectivity. Indonesia recently unveiled its Maritime Axis/Maritime Fulcrum doctrine which stresses, among other things, the importance of port connectivity not only within the country but also with other major ASEAN harbors. Thus, for China, support for the ARN could win it recognition from individual maritime ASEAN states as well as from ASEAN generally. In fact, the Philippines is one of the staunchest advocates of the ARN and some may entertain the thought that lack of Chinese enthusiasm towards this aspect of AMPC is part of the fallout from the tensions between the two. (It should also be noted that the sub-regional organization BIMP-EAGA, which would benefit tremendously from the ARN, is also headquartered in Davao, the biggest city in the Philippines’ second biggest island of Mindanao.) China can choose to allay this suspicion.
Despite unresolved territorial and maritime disputes, China seems to attach great importance to its neighborhood diplomacy with ASEAN. In fact, the idea of the Maritime Silk Road, as well as the AIIB, was first announced by President Xi Jinping in a speech to Indonesian parliament in October 2013. The fact that Indonesia is ASEAN’s biggest economy, one of ASEAN’s founding members, and widely seen as a regional leader demonstrates the importance of ASEAN in China’s calculus. Support for AMPC as a whole and the ARN in particular will enable China to win not only investments, but also the goodwill of its neighbors. It may even show that principled disagreement on political issues do not constitute a hurdle to pursuing practical cooperation in infrastructure development.
Lucio Blanco Pitlo III is a member of the Philippine Association for China Studies (PACS) and is presently a Masters of Law student from Peking University. He is a former Research Assistant at the University of the Philippines Asian Center and a former Technical Assistant at the Philippine National Coast Watch Council Secretariat. The views expressed here are the author’s own and do not represent that of his present and past affiliations. (For Further Reading:http://thediplomat.com March 26, 2015)
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