上下遊的華人勢力

古晉的華人和石隆門的華人，在歷史上是否有所來往？史料有限，我們無法看到詳細的記錄，但古晉華商普遍上與拉者的關系較為密切，因此相信拉者和石隆門華人的關系，牽動著兩地華人的關系。

華社的史料上有兩筆比較明確的記錄，非關貿易，但值得提一提。

1856年，古晉壽山亭福德祠大伯公廟重建落成，石隆門華工特地乘船下來，到廟裏進香，向大伯公道賀；另一件有關一位叫阿四妹的女子，不堪被丈夫施以暴力，而愛上另一位年輕華工，雙雙離開石隆門私奔到古晉。

無論如何，華工事件暴發，古晉的華人與石隆門的華工劃清界限，當拉者在石隆門屠殺礦工時，並未波及古晉華人。此後，拉者政府盡管對華人長時間有所戒備，但還是必須依賴華人的勤力和經商頭腦，這才促成了華人大批進入砂拉越，成為砂拉越經濟發展的推動力量。

第二代白人拉者查爾斯布洛克曾經不止一次公開認可華人的貢獻，1883年時就指出：“要是沒有華人，我們什麽也不能做”。

1864年的古晉老巴剎。Source: Kuching in pictures, 1840s-1960s by Ho Ah Chon

老巴剎vs新巴剎

Pasar是馬來人對市集的叫法，華人南來後入鄉隨俗，因此有了“巴剎”一詞。古晉的百年老街區，有“老巴剎”和“新巴剎”之分，兩個巴剎剛好以舊法庭建築群作為分界。

最初的巴剎以靠河的海唇街起頭，帶動後街小巷的形成，估計在1860年代以前出現。到了1880年代，拉者查爾斯布洛克開發舊法庭另一邊，原本是印裔穆斯林與爪哇人的聚落，甘蜜街、印度街等隨即出現，菜市場也搬遷到甘蜜街的河邊。

為便於區分，當時人們將這個新區稱為“新巴剎”，而海唇街這一帶自然就是“老巴剎”。 

1920年的古晉老巴剎。Source: Kuching in pictures, 1840s-1960s by Ho Ah Chon

1952年的古晉老巴剎。Source: Kuching in pictures, 1840s-1960s by Ho Ah Chon

蔡羽·古晉老巴剎，繁榮的起點。

有關老巴剎的記錄

根據1972年出版，Elizabeth Pollard撰寫的《Kuching Past and Present》一書指出，1830年在今日州長府後方地段，曾經出土一些鹽木古墓碑，顯示汶萊貴族可能在1820年代已經居住在這裏。 此外，根據古晉廣惠肇公會的資料，廣東人劉直與數位同鄉，大約在1820年代已經來到古晉，並長期在這裏務農或從事小買賣。劉直也被砂拉越官方認定是最早抵達砂拉越的華人，他曾經在老巴剎經商，也是廣惠肇公會的創辦人之一。

古晉什麽時候開始有人居住，這點已經很難考究。然而，我們可以透過一些既有的資料，推敲200年前的情景。

1839年，英人詹姆士布洛克及其隊伍初次抵達古晉時，他們也觀察到古晉除了有馬來甘榜，也有20多個華人。與此同時，河邊有一座古廟，更可以確定有華人在這裏活動。雖然沒有明言是哪座“古廟”，史家一般推測指的是大伯公廟，這或許也是有關大伯公廟最早的一筆文字記錄，至於其真實的創廟年份至今還是一個謎。

 

古晉老巴剎1839年的風景畫像。Source: Kuching in pictures, 1840s-1960s by Ho Ah Chon

 

到了1848年，聖公會的麥陀鵝主教等人初次抵達古晉，其夫人海莉特（Harriette McDougall）詳細記錄著那段見聞，她指出當時的古晉“有華人和印度人的市集各一，規模都很小”。

華人來到古晉

海莉特抵達時，砂拉越已經在布洛克政權的統治下，時間上也是華人下南洋的高峰期。華人從中國到新加坡，再從新加坡得知新建立的砂拉越白人拉者政權正當勵精圖治，於是紛紛越過南中國海，來到古晉尋找機會。

我們可以很準確的判斷，海莉特指的華人市集，即後來的“老巴剎”，而印度人市集，則是稍晚發展成由甘蜜街、印度街等組成的“新巴剎”。

這個時候，砂拉越河上下遊形成兩個華人市集——下遊是古晉的華人市集，上遊是石隆門客家礦工掌控的市集。布洛克政權初期與上遊的華人勢力，尚能和睦共處，到了1850年代則開始惡化，最終在1857年暴發著名的華工事件，死傷數千人。

鄭和的三寶公魚傳說——在西加加里曼的華人中，尤以潮州人和福建人都不吃三板跳魚（稱三寶公魚），這種魚背脊上有五個手指紋，傳說是因被海浪打上三寶公的船上後，三寶太監親手抓起放生的，所以魚背上留下了三寶太監的五個手指印。（搜狗百科）

周達觀在《真臘風土記》的記載是當時有關吳哥文化的唯一史料是這個時代的文物精華。此外，還廣泛地敘述了當地人民的經濟活動，包括農業、手工業、貿易等，介紹了當地人民日常生活，如衣、食、住、行的情況。全書約8500字，分為城郭、宮室、服飾、官屬、三教、人物、產婦、奴婢、語言、野人、文字、正朔時序、爭訟、病癩、死亡、耕種、山川、出產、貿易、欲得唐貨、草木、飛鳥、走獸、蔬菜、魚龍、醞釀、鹽醋醬、蠶桑、器用、車轎、舟楫、村落、異事、澡浴、流寓、軍馬、國主出入等40餘節。(沈濟時《海上絲綢之路》，上海：上海古籍出版社，2010年）

石隆門華工起義遺跡探詢
——謹以本文紀念起義一百五十周年
華工遺跡值得憑吊

一百五十年前的石隆門華工起義雖然失敗了，卻給後來不少啟示，不但反殖反帝事跡永在流傳，也遺留不少遺跡，值得供人經常憑吊。一百五十年後的今天，這些遺跡怎樣了？它們發生了怎樣的變化？值得再作報導。

石隆門（Bau）是砂拉越（Sarawak）西部一個市鎮，其開發和發現金礦及銻有重大關係，華族金礦工人和當時的“公司”組織對石隆門的開發貢獻巨大。華人到石隆門開采金礦，約有兩百年的歷史。不過，遠在一千多年前，華人已經在石隆門留下蹤跡。考古學家在石隆門地區掘出許多古代中國文物就是明證。

根據多本書籍記載，一七七七年，來自中國廣東梅縣的一批人在羅芳伯的帶領下，抵達荷屬婆羅洲坤甸附近東萬律地區開采金礦，並建立了蘭芳大統制。大約在十九世紀初，便有一部份華人礦工想另求出路，輾轉北移越過哇橫山進入石隆門地方，開采這裏的金礦，並成立了“義興公司”，就是後來的“十二份公司”和“三條溝公司”。

當年開采金礦是使用“泥溝沖洗法”，所謂三條溝者，應該是指三個開采金礦的地點，據說第一條溝是指石隆門帽山地區，第二條溝是指新堯灣友蘭路（數十年前有人稱“牛欄肚”）地區，第三條則指左手港——即巴都吉當一帶。陳紹唐在1947年到帽山探詢華工起義遺跡時，曾經拍照，他在照片後寫上“義興公司旗桿夾”字樣。

華人礦工在石隆門開采金礦，發展很快，可以說是業務蒸蒸日上。在石隆門、大段、燕窩山、武梭、砂南坡、北歷都設有礦場，吸引大批在荷屬婆羅洲的華人遷入。公司的大本營——帽山地區，變成為一個繁榮的鬧市，有商店數十間。砂南坡（Paku）也形成另一個有商店數十間的小鎮。

約在一八四○年左右，“義興公司”已在石隆門建起具有獨特經濟基礎的社會，有本身的法制和貨幣，嚴然成為一個獨立人口約四千人的小王國。

華工流傳雙音暗語

“義興公司”的成員之間，在需要的時候，會以一種“雙音話”交談，不懂這種語言者，無法了解談話的內容。筆者在學生時代聽過長期居住在石隆門的嬸母說過，堂姐曾經作簡單介紹。劉伯奎老師在他的著作中也曾提及這種語言。根據我從語音學的角度看，這種“雙音話”，和舊字典中的“反切”拼音法相近。

如果懂得“反切法”和客家話，大概就聽得懂了。石隆門華工的發展，後來受到英國殖民地主義者詹姆士·布洛克皇朝的欺壓。野心勃勃的詹姆士·布洛克鞏固其統治砂拉越的地位後，開始擴張勢力，不但逐漸蠶食了汶萊的領土，也向石隆門華工公司進逼。

在政治上他不准許華人建立具有自治獨立意味的“公司”與他分庭抗禮；在經濟上他要向石隆門的華人礦工征收稅務，以增加他的收入，消滅石隆門華人“公司”便成了他的目標。而華人礦工已把石隆門建設成一個繁榮的社會，不容布洛克來干涉，也絕不肯受制於布洛克，由是雙方的矛盾便日益嚴重化，終於導致一八五七年的華工起義。華工起義的原因、經過和結果，許多著作都有提及，上期“風下”副刊已有提及，在此不贅。

在石隆門華工起義一百五十周年的今天，筆者只想就多年來經常探訪華工起義遺跡所得，作一些敘述。

帽嶺公園未能建成

當年的“石隆門華工起義”遺留下來的古跡，包括帽山大本營的“旗桿夾”、重修後的幾座廟宇：天師龍宮、國王古廟、將軍廟（忠臣廟）、把水口伯公廟和古墓群。在新堯彎地區則有劉善邦廟。在裕恒山下之立達坦那（Lindah Tanah）則有碼頭和古亂葬崗遺跡。這些古跡，“風下”副刊都曾經報導。我由上個世紀七十年代開始關注石隆門華工起義事件，並且多次帶領學者友人前往考察，並留下不少照片。

我也曾經和一批友人深入鬼洞，尋找華工留下的遺跡，可惜一無所獲。對於當年華工在帽山的遺跡，石隆門中華商會和第一省華總文教組曾經在上世紀八十年代召開聯席會議，計劃將它發展成為“帽嶺古跡公園”。並擬定了完整的計劃書，還請當時在石隆門擔任公務員的周發勝畫了公園構想圖，並將計劃書提呈給當時的一位助理部長。令人遺憾的是，此項計劃後來宣告胎死腹中。

旗桿夾仍屹立不倒

根據各方面的資料，當年華工所組成的“義興公司”在帽山的大本營建有“國王古廟”和“天師龍宮”，廣場立有一座旗桿。旗桿以兩塊鹽柴木板夾住（俗稱“旗桿夾”）。該兩塊鹽柴木板相距九寸，離地八尺八寸，闊一尺六寸，厚四寸，旗桿據說高約兩丈多，在七八十年前倒下。

國王古廟和天師龍宮都經過重修，寫著“天師龍宮”字樣的牌匾仍在。“旗桿夾”經歷超過一百五十的風雨，仍然屹立不倒。二○○六年杪，劉添財為它加蓋了一座亭子加以保護。在目前的天師龍宮外邊右側地上，可以看到兩塊鹽材木板，經過多年的風雨，表面雖然已經有腐朽的痕跡，木質仍然堅硬。

據說華工大本營前面有一小溪，溪上架著三塊鹽材木板，若有觸犯規章者，便在這三塊木板上受罰。大約在十多年前，對“石隆門華工事件”有研究興趣的林柏森、賴南球等幾位教育界人士，在“旗桿夾”附近進行發掘工作，除了找到許多陶瓷碎片之外，也找到上述兩塊鹽材木板。

把水口伯公廟和將軍廟也已經重修，舊貌只能在照片中追尋。古墓群在三十年前仍然可辨別，去年考察時多數已經難以尋找了。在一戶人家的門外，仍然可以看到露出地面的棺材頭。去年的考察計劃，原本包括裕恒山碼頭舊址，但是向導告知，需乘船才能抵達，只好放棄。當年的遺跡還存多少，只能有待來日查考了。


重修過的劉善邦廟（善德廟），相傳是劉善邦英勇犧牲處，經常有人到訪，算是香火依舊。據劉楊謙俊敘述，華工與詹姆士·布洛克軍當年曾隔河炮戰，華工傷亡頗重。友蘭路山崗下，曾經尋獲直徑三寸左右的炮彈。

歷史遠去事跡流傳

石隆門華工起義已經一百五十年了，歷史雖然遠去，華工卻在人們的腦海中留下深刻的形象。最近幾年，不斷有人重寫這段歷史，以恢復事件的原貌，並且取得一定的成績。至於華工起義遺跡的保護與發覺工作，則仍然有待相關單位的努力。願大家重視歷史，並以實際行動保護歷史遺跡。（李南林 2007年3月17日）

詩巫墾場條例

砂拉越政府在1880年11月29日於憲報上公布：

我，查理士布律克鄭重聲明以下條例，砂拉越政府同意和任何華裔公司簽約帶領三百名以上之華族勞工與家屬於砂拉越拉讓江一帶從事農業工作。

（1）政府將免費提供移植者足夠土地種植。

（2）政府將首先建築道路及臨時註屋安置這些移植者。

（3）政府將在第一年內每個月供給每名成人一“巴蘇”食米及一些鹽，小孩每名半巴蘇食米。

（4）政府保證提供船隻來往古晉和拉讓江一帶載貨，取費亦相當低廉。

（5）政府將建立警察局保護居民之安全，幫助他們學習和理解土話，並盡心照顧他們。

（6）在符合上述條件下，移植者可以永久居住砂拉越之土地上。

（砂拉越華族文化協會，1992年，《馬來西亞砂拉越詩巫華族史料集》，17頁，蔡存雄等編輯）

借中國古籍重構馬來西亞歷史：結語：中國古籍的記載對構建馬來西亞歷史全貌具有重要的作用和積極意義。中國古籍的史料價值主要表現在：1，中國古籍所記載的歷史時間非常長；2，中國古籍記載的馬來西亞古國數量非常多；3，中國古籍所記載的內容非常豐富；4，中國古籍的記載是研究馬來西亞古代歷史不可缺少的重要史料來源。當然，中國古籍的記述由於技術條件和認識水平的限製，對所記述的國家有些模糊，尤其是所記述的國名或者地名，由於沒有精確的地圖可供參考。使到後人在判斷確切地點時困難重重，因而也存在不少爭議，例如古代的地名到底等於現在什麼地方，正確的認定確切地點對進行研究是非常關鍵的，否則，差之毫厘，失之千裏。這也是通過中國古籍研究古代東南亞國家歷史時所面臨的主要困難。但是，在中國古籍中，有些記述是比較清楚的，同時，人們可以通過中國古籍記所述的其他方面的內容，加上其他材料進行綜合的判斷。總之，要全面研究馬來西亞歷史，需要從不同史料來源來加以互相印證，需要利用文字材料以外如利用考古發掘的材料來互相印證。在馬來西亞古代歷史或者東南亞古代歷史中，中國古籍相對其他文字材料而言，具有記述時間比較早、比較有延續性和比較詳細可靠的特點。中國古籍的記載，是我們研究馬來西亞古代歷史的基本材料，正是有了這些記載，馬來西亞古代歷史面貌變得更加清楚和有系統性。著名歷史學家霍爾（ D.G．E. Hall）教授說，中國古籍「對於闡明我們這個地區（指東南亞）的政治地理和貿易的確是無價之寶」[107]。可以說，中國古籍在研究馬來西亞歷史中具有不可替代的作用。（張應龍，2005，清代以前中國古籍有關馬來西亞的記述以及史料價值，暨南大學華僑華人研究所）

107 D. G. E. Hall, The History of South－East Asia，London：MacMillan ＆ Co．Ltd. Third Edition，
1968, p.15.

17. "Indonesia-Social Classes." Mongabay. N.p., 1992. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.mongabay.com/history/indonesia/indonesia-social_classes.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.mongabay.com/history/indonesia/indonesia-social_classes....;.

18. Jong, Hans Nicholas. "The Jakarta Post." Indonesian History. Bina Media Tenggara, 2012. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/resources/indonesian_history%3E" target="_blank">http://www.thejakartapost.com/resources/indonesian_history>;.

19. Kohn, George. "J." Dictionary of Wars. N.p.: Infobase, 2006. 274. Google Books. Infobase. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. a href="http://books.google.com/booksid=OIzreCGlHxIC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false%3E" target="_blank">http://books.google.com/booksid=OIzreCGlHxIC&printsec=frontcove...;.

20. Meyer, Jenny, Tracy Navichoque, and Grace Riccardi. "Dutch Colonization In Indonesia." Dutch Colonization In Indonesia. N.p., Mar. 2009. Web. 19 Feb. 2013. a href="http://weloveindonesia.tumblr.com/%3E" target="_blank">http://weloveindonesia.tumblr.com/>;.

21. News, CBC. "CBC News In Depth: Indonesia." CBCnews. CBC/Radio Canada, 11 Jan. 2008. Web. 16 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/indonesia/suharto.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/indonesia/suharto.html>;.

22. Noordermeer, Jeff R. "Fifty Years of My Life (1939 - 1990)." Indonesia Gains Independence. Antonio Zamora, 2013. Web. 07 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.scientificpsychic.com/etc/jeff/Jeff-Noordermeer-AfterWWII-003.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.scientificpsychic.com/etc/jeff/Jeff-Noordermeer-AfterWWI...;.

23. Pike, John. "Military." Indonesian War of Independence. Global Security, 2000. Web. 07 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/indo-inde.htm%3E" target="_blank">http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/indo-inde.htm>;.

24. "Portuguese, Dutch & British in Indonesia." Asian Food Recipes. Larry Wheeler, 2012. Web. 28 Feb. 2013. a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/resources/indonesian_history%3E" target="_blank">http://www.thejakartapost.com/resources/indonesian_history>;.

25. "President Sukarno - Indonesia Founding Father." Indonesia Monitor. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.sukarnoyears.com/Imonitor/206sukarno.htm%3E" target="_blank">http://www.sukarnoyears.com/Imonitor/206sukarno.htm>;.

26. Ramerini, Marco. "Solor: The Portuguese on Solor and in the Lesser Sunda Islands, Indonesia." Solor: The Portuguese on Solor and in the Lesser Sunda Islands, Indonesia. Trans. Dietrich Koster. Colonial Voyage, n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.colonialvoyage.com/eng/asia/indonesia/solor/index.html.%3E" target="_blank">http://www.colonialvoyage.com/eng/asia/indonesia/solor/index.html.>;

27. Sagalyn, Daniel. "Corruption Challenges Indonesia's Government." PBS. PBS, 26 May 2011. Web. 14 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/world/jan-june11/indonesia_05-26.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/world/jan-june11/indonesia_05-2...;.

28. Sprague, Ted. "Dutch Colonization." History of Capitalist Development in Indonesia. Confernece of International Marxist Tendency, 2004. Web. 25 Feb. 2013. http://www.marxist.com/history-of-capitalist-development-in-indones....

29. "Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono." Presiden Republik Indonesia. N.p., 8 Feb. 2006. Web. 16 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.presidenri.go.id/index.php/eng/profile/%3E" target="_blank">http://www.presidenri.go.id/index.php/eng/profile/>;.

30. Taylor, Stephen. "Business Etiquette & Culture." Indonesia. International Business Center, 1998. Web. 13 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.cyborlink.com/besite/indonesia.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.cyborlink.com/besite/indonesia.html>;.

31. "TIMELINE." Indonesia Timeline. N.p., n.d. Web. 1 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.worldatlas.com/webimage/countrys/asia/indonesia/idtimeln.htm%3E" target="_blank">http://www.worldatlas.com/webimage/countrys/asia/indonesia/idtimeln...;.

32. Touwen, Jeroen. "The Economic History of Indonesia". EH.Net Encyclopedia,
edited by Robert Whaples. March 16, 2008. URL a href="http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/touwen.indonesia%3E" target="_blank">http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/touwen.indonesia>;

33. Verico Kiki, Canberra. "Trade Challenges and Indonesia's Ideal Response." The Jakarta Post. The Jakarta Post, 15 Feb. 2013. Web. 14 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/02/15/trade-challenges-and-indonesia-s-ideal-response.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/02/15/trade-challenges-and-...;.

34. "Water Challenges in Indonesia." Petros Water. Petros, n.d. Web. 14 Mar. 2013. a href="http://petroswater.com/news/141.html%3E" target="_blank">http://petroswater.com/news/141.html>;.

（Source: https://imperialismindonesia.weebly.com/dutch-colonization.html）

Imperialism Indonesia Works Cited
Website By: Shannon Carey, Brittany Lynch, and Nick Naumann

1. "About Indonesia." Travel Documents. Travel Document Systems, 1996. Web. 11 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.traveldocs.com/index.php?page=about-indonesia-2%3E" target="_blank">http://www.traveldocs.com/index.php?page=about-indonesia-2>;.

2. Anam, Jesus S., and Ted Sprague. "Indonesian Society and the Indonesian Revolution." Aidit. DEMOS, July 1957. Web. 14 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.marxists.org/history/indonesia/1957-IndonesianSociety.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.marxists.org/history/indonesia/1957-IndonesianSociety.ht...;.

3. "British Temporary Rule." Indonesia's History and Background (Ancient Times to Present). Asianinfo.org, 2010. Web. 04 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.asianinfo.org/asianinfo/indonesia/pro-history.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.asianinfo.org/asianinfo/indonesia/pro-history.html>;.

4. Chancey, Karen. "The Ambonya Massacare in English Politics." JSTOR. British Studies, 1998. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/4053850?uid=3739696.

5. Environmental Problems in Indonesia." WWF. World Wildlife Fund, n.d. Web. 14 Mar. 2013. a href="http://wwf.panda.org/who_we_are/wwf_offices/indonesia/environmental_problems_indonesia/%3E" target="_blank">http://wwf.panda.org/who_we_are/wwf_offices/indonesia/environmental...;.

6. Elegant, Simon. "Breaking News, Analysis, Politics, Blogs, News Photos, Video, Tech Reviews." Time. Time, 27 Sept. 2004. Web. 11 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,702199,00.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,702199,00.html>;.

7. Gimon, Charles A. "Sejarah Indonesia." Perang Dunia II: 1940 to 1945. Common Era, 2001. Web. 04 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.gimonca.com/sejarah/sejarah07.shtml%3E" target="_blank">http://www.gimonca.com/sejarah/sejarah07.shtml>;.

8. Gorlinski, Virginia, and Shiveta Singh, eds. "Dutch East India Company (Dutch Trading Company)." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, 5 Nov. 2008. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/174523/Dutch-East-India-C....

9. Halsall, Paul. "Internet History Sourcebooks." Internet History Sourcebooks. Forham, 1998. Web. 16 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1955sukarno-bandong.asp%3E" target="_blank">http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1955sukarno-bandong.asp>;.

10. Hanna, Willard A. "Sukarno." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, 2013. Web. 07 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/572207/Sukarno%3E" target="_blank">http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/572207/Sukarno>;.

11. H, Jonathan. "Imperialism in Indonesia." Web log post. Imperialism in Indonesia. N.p., 14 Mar. 2012. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. a href="http://imperialisminindonesia.blogspot.com/%3E" target="_blank">http://imperialisminindonesia.blogspot.com/>;.

12. "Human Rights Defenders In Indonesia." Human Rights First. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Mar. 2013. a href="http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/our-work/human-rights-defenders/indonesia/%3E" target="_blank">http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/our-work/human-rights-defenders/ind...;.

13. "Indonesia Background Information." CIA World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency, n.d. Web. 27 Feb. 2013. a href="https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/id.html%3E" target="_blank">https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/id...;.

14. Indonesia-Climate." Indonesia-Climate. N.p., 2013. Web. 12 Feb. 2013.
a href="http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/Asia-and-Oceania/Indonesia-CLIMATE.html%3E" target="_blank">http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/Asia-and-Oceania/Indonesia-CLIMA...;.

15. "Indonesia's History and Background." AsianInfo.org, 2010. Web. 1 Mar. 2013.
a href="http://www.asianinfo.org/asianinfo/indonesia/pro-history.htm%3E" target="_blank">http://www.asianinfo.org/asianinfo/indonesia/pro-history.htm>;.

16. "Indonesia." Indonesia Travel. N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Feb. 2013. a href="http://www.indonesiapoint.com/%3E" target="_blank">http://www.indonesiapoint.com/>;.

In the 2nd Javanese War Pakubuwono died so there was lots of fighting about who would take his crown.  The Dutch supported who they thought would do what they wanted the best.   It took about 4 years of war for the Dutch to capture all their rivals. Soon after the Dutch sent them all into exile.  During this the Dutch expanded their territory in Java. Finally in the 3rd and last Javanese War King Pakubuwono III faced 2 challengers to the throne.  Pakubuwono received military support from the Dutch though.  In 1751 the Dutch were shocked and defeated, during which their commander was brutally killed. One of the challengers agreed to the Gianti Agreement in 1755 which split Mataram in two.  Pakubuwono got the Eastern half of Mataram and the challenger got the western half.  The other challenger resisted until he finally made peace with the Dutch in 1757 and was given a portion of Eastern Mataram.  In the 1700’s the Dutch were fighting in the Javanese wars for most of the time. (19,31)

1800’s

In 1800 the Dutch East India Trading Company was broke and slowly fell apart.  All its land was then named the Dutch East Indies.  In 1801 the British took over the region of Minhasa but then in 1802 the Treaty of Amiens was signed and Melaka and Maluku were returned to the Dutch.  In 1817, the British got control of Melaka again.  To split the land in half, the Dutch and the British would sign the Treaty of London.  The Dutch would get most of Indonesia and the British would get Malaya, Singapore and other islands.  In the same year the Dutch had a direct rule of Raiu.  From 1825 to 1830 there was another war called the Java war.  The Java war was caused by Prince Diponegoro because the Dutch built roads over the tombs of the Prince’s parents.   In 1830, 15,000 European soldiers were killed and the Prince lost 200,000 civilians and soldiers in the Java war.  The Prince was then set up and put in jail by the Dutch.  Due to the colonization of the province of Aceh there was a war between the Dutch and the Sultanate of Aceh which lasted from 1873 to 1913. (3,8,31)

1900’s to Independance

From 1901 to 1910 the regions of Bali, Borneo, Moluccas and Sulawesi were all taken over by the Dutch.  By the end of the Aceh war in 1913 the Dutch also had taken over Aceh.  Not much happened until 1938 when the Dutch had turned down the independence petition proposed by the Indonesians.  Four years later, the Japanese declared war on the Dutch and invaded the Dutch East Indies. From 1942 to 1945 Japan occupied the Dutch East Indies.  In 1945 the Dutch regained control over the Dutch East Indies.  Right after the Dutch regained control of Indonesia they declared independence against the Dutch.  From 1945 until 1949 the Dutch and Indonesia fought for independence.  Finally in 1949 the Dutch accepted Indonesia’s independence. (32)

（Source: https://imperialismindonesia.weebly.com）

Imperialism Indonesia
The Dutch controlled Indonesia longer and had more influence on Indonesia than any other country. The Dutch had some form of influence on Indonesia from 1602 up until 1949.  That is 347 years of influence.  That is also more than 100 years longer than America has been recognized as an independent country.  The Dutch‘s influence on Indonesia is still seen today and because Indonesia was imperialized  Indonesia is still struggling.  These events shaped Indonesia forever when the Dutch had that 347 years of influence on Indonesia. (20)

Late 1500’s -1600’s

The first Dutch expedition to Indonesia was in 1595.  This was led by Cornelius de Houtman.  In 1596 the Dutch expedition had made contact with the Portuguese and Indonesians.  Then at the start of the century in 1602, the Dutch East India Company was established.  Another name for the Dutch East India Company is the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie more commonly known as the VOC.  The VOC was made to protect trade in the Indian Ocean and to assist in war of independence from Spain.  Only a year after the VOC was created, the Dutch built their first permanent trading post in Banten, West Java.  In 1611 the Dutch weren’t the only ones in Indonesia.  The British established several trading posts in Indonesia.  The British would remain in Indonesia until 1824.  Two years later on January 27, 1613 a Dutch fleet arrived at Solor.  There were nearly 30 Portuguese and 1000 natives to defend the fort for Captain Manuel Alvares.  Yet after 3 months of siege, the Dutch finally had Solor Fortress on April 18, 1613.  The Dutch would rename it Fort Henricus.  In 1619 the Dutch would rename the city of Jayakarta to Batavia and it became the new VOC headquarters. Then on February 27, 1623 the chief factor of the English East India company, Gabriel Towerson  was put on trial and then beheaded along with 9 other English men, 10 Japanese traders and one Portuguese man for conspiracy against the Dutch.  This would be known as the Ambonya Massacare because it took place on the island of Ambonya.  The Dutch East Indies was formed to bring all of Indonesia under one government.  Not much else would happen in the 1600’s with the Dutch but a lot of violence would follow in the 1700’s. (4,8,15,19,20,24,26)

1700’s

In the 1700’s there were 3 wars which the Dutch were involved in with Indonesia: the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Javanese wars. The first Javanese War started when a slave named Surapati organized a large group of natives against the Dutch.  King Amankurat of Mataram took notice and gave refuge to the slave when the Dutch attempted to capture him.  (Mataram is a kingdom in central Java.)   After his stay in Mataram, Surapati moved to the northeastern part of Java and named himself king.  As a result of his actions the Dutch took Amankurat out of power and put Amankurat’s uncle on the Mataram throne over a period of time.  His name was Pakubuwono and he and the Dutch would eventually defeat Amankurat who fled to the east with Surapati.  The Dutch were still in hot pursuit of Amankurat and Surapati.  In 1708 the Dutch exiled Amankurat to Sri Lanka and killed Surapati. (19,31)

研究西加里曼丹蘭芳共和國参考書目

〈不應消失的記憶——蘭芳共和國〉

〈華人曾建立蘭芳共和國：共建國 110 年〉

〈蘭芳共和國：華人在海外建立的第一個國家〉

〈鮮為人知的華人小國：蘭芳共和國〉

孔永松，2005，〈論羅芳伯的偉大歷史貢獻〉，林金樹主編，《中華心客家情：第一屆客家學術研討會論文集》。馬來西亞客家學研究會出版。

王琛發，2007，〈蘭芳憾事的異鄉留痕—從東馬倫樂東臣廟的羅芳伯崇拜談起〉，《馬來西亞客家人本土信仰》。吉隆坡：馬來西亞客家公會聯合會。88 客家研究 第三卷 第一期

瓦西德，2003，〈偉大的歷史貢獻：序長篇文學傳記《羅芳伯傳》〉。頁 5-6。張永和、張開源，《羅芳伯傳》。印尼：和平書局出版社。

戎撫天，1976，〈蘭芳大總制的興亡與意義〉，民族與華僑研究論文編輯委員會編，《民族與華僑論文集》。頁 116-126。中華學術院民族與華僑研究所。

巫樂華，1995，《南洋華僑史話》。台北：台灣商務印書館。

李喬原創，2006，《客家採茶大戲：羅芳伯傳奇》。榮興客家採茶劇團製作／演出。（視聽資料）。

周怡君，1999，《荷屬時期爪哇華人甲必丹與華人經濟研究》。國立成功大學歷史系碩士論文。

房漢佳，2008，〈倫樂社之今昔〉，《華校春秋》，77 期。

袁冰凌，1996，〈高延與婆羅洲公司研究〉，收於高延，《婆羅州華人公司制度》（袁冰凌譯），頁 147-159。台北：中央研究院近代史研究所。

高木桂藏，1992，《日本人筆下的客家》。關屋牧譯。台北：關屋牧出版。

高延，1996，《婆羅州華人公司制度》（袁冰凌譯）。台北：中央研究院近代史研究所。

張永和、張開源，2005，《羅芳伯傳》。印尼；和平書局。

童貴珊，2007，〈赤道國度：西加里曼丹華族榮辱〉，《經典》，111 期。

溫雄飛，1943，《南洋華僑通史》。重慶：商務印書館。

溫廣益等，1985，《印度尼西亞華僑史》。北京：海洋出版社。P.115

趙池凹，2006，《新華月報》，2006 年第 02 期。

蕭耀華，2007，（赤道國度：西加里曼丹華族榮辱〉，《經典》，111 期，

簡瑛欣，2008，〈方言群內聚與超越：砂勞越古晉華人民間信仰初探〉。《2008 年台灣的東南亞區域研究年度論文研討會》論文。亞洲大學，2008.4.25-26。

羅香林，1961，《西婆羅洲羅芳伯等所建共和國考》。香港：中國學社。

（見：張維安&張容嘉《客家人的大伯公：蘭芳公司的羅芳伯及其事業》《客家研究》第三卷第一期 2009 年 6 月 頁 57-88）

婆羅洲·早期華人接觸

約414年（晉安帝隆安十四年），中國僧侶法顯由印度求得佛法，回歸中國途中經過南洋，曾有一提及耶婆提（Yavadvipa），根據史家的意見，認為此地是現今的婆羅洲。

和中國最早的通航紀錄是出現在《梁書》裡，520年（梁武帝普通元年），在中國古籍中，當時被稱為渤泥、婆利、或婆羅，後來演變成婆羅乃（Brunei），也就是現在通用的汶萊一名。

在梁、隋、唐三朝裡，婆利都有遣送信使向中國朝貢方物，直至宋代這種接觸繼續保持，到了明朝一系列史無前例的官方航海便在此時開始，最著名的要算是鄭和下西洋，據記載曾兩次經過渤泥。

約1375年（明洪武8年），14、15世紀時華人曾在沙巴的京那峇當岸河（Sungai Kinabatangan）居住，有一明朝使者黃森屏傳說還做過沿岸地區的統治者-拉惹（Rajah）。

約1772年（清朝乾隆37年），華人活動逐漸轉移到島西部，主要集中在一些金礦開採地區，如坤甸（Pontinak）和三發（Sambas），近百名客家人抵達坤甸，可說是開發此地的先驅者。

1777年華人羅芳伯在婆羅洲上（今加里曼丹西部）成立了世界第一個由華人所創立的「共和國」－「蘭芳共和國」。國家元首稱「大總制」。

1820年（清道光元年），估計約有三萬六千名華人居住在此礦區內。1823年（清道光四年）已達十五萬人之多。

在荷蘭殖民勢力進入自印尼蘇門達臘北移至南婆羅洲之後，他們對華人在金礦區的利益不滿，並使用權力限制華人移民和貿易，爾後逐漸減少，不少礦工也被迫遷徙至砂拉越。（ https://zh.wikipedia.org ）

滿者伯夷

（爪哇語：Madjapahit；馬來語：Majapahit）是13世紀時東爪哇的一個印度教王國，位於今日泗水的西南，《元史》稱為麻喏巴歇，《明史》稱為滿者伯夷。從1293年至1500年、婆羅洲、蘇門答臘和巴厘島。於西元1350年至1389年期間，國王哈亞·烏魯克（Hayam Wuruk）和首相加查·馬達在位時期勢力達於巔峰，其領土範圍甚至遠至泰國南部、菲律賓、東帝汶。


三佛齊

（阿拉伯語：سريفيجايا，爪哇語：ꦯꦿꦶꦮꦶꦗꦪ，?－1397年），中國古籍又稱室利佛逝（梵語：श्रीविजय Sri Vijaya）、佛逝、舊港，在阿拉伯文獻則稱為社婆格或室利佛哲（首都：勃林邦、詹卑），是公元7世紀中葉在蘇門答臘島代替干陀利國的古國，683年以梵文撰寫的格度干武吉碑，是最早的室利佛逝本國記載。室利佛逝無文字，大量出土的碑文皆以梵文撰寫。鼎盛時期，其勢力範圍包括馬來半島和巽他群島的大部分地區。


干陀利，陀一作陁，又作干陁利、近陁利、斤陀利、干陀利。或誤作于陁利、于陀利。「千」、「于」、「斤」字均應為干之訛。

干陁利國，在南海洲上，他的風俗與林邑、扶南略同。干陀利故地在今印度尼西亞蘇門答臘島的巨港一帶，為該地梵名Kandari的譯音。一說在馬來半島，或認為是吉打的泰米爾文Kadaram的譯音，或認為指霹靂州的金丹，一說即三佛齊的古稱。

於古代東西海上航線上，約公元5世紀中葉至6世紀中葉，就和中國有交通、貿易關系,直到隋朝，由於隋文帝限制奢侈品貿易。南朝宋孝武帝孝建二年（455年）八月，干陀利國遣使獻方物。南梁天監元年（502年）其王瞿曇修跋陁羅遣使朝貢，其子vijayavarman也在公元519年五月遣使。(维基百科)

二戰以後至20世紀末的30多年間，世界各地的華文教育經歷了前所未有的政治、種族及語言文化的交織和衝突，處於諸種文化大激蕩大融合的劇烈變遷。隨著中國的崛起，進入21世紀的世界華文教育迎來了嶄新的歷史性機遇，它將伴隨著國運昌盛而突飛猛進，也將對實現中華民族偉大復興的「中國夢」發揮重要作用。

有學者認為，「對中華傳統文化的繼承無疑構成了中國特色社會主義的『特色』內容。如果說中國發展模式在未來人類文明繼承中將形成創新價值，那麽，中華傳統文化的基礎性作用是不可忽視的；並且幾乎可以肯定地預言：隨著社會主義市場經濟體制的完善，即隨著中國人對西方文化的市場經濟成果和馬克思主義的理想社會目標整合的成功，中華傳統文化將借此實現一次鳳凰烈火中再生，而中華民族將因此獲得偉大的復興」①。

盡管這是針對國內而言的，但中華傳統文化的浴火重生也必將給海外華僑華人帶來前所未有的文化自信，激發他們弘揚中華文化、實現民族復興的強大精神。（第七章·舊邦新命：海外華文教育與中華文化現代化）

胡培安&陳旋波（2018）《華文教育與中華文化傳承》

簡介：海外華文教育與中華文化傳承的關係是一個重大課題。本書立足於海外華文教育自身理論建設和海外華文教育實踐的需要，運用教育學、歷史學、語言學和文化學等學科理論，並結合實証分析的方法，對海外華文教育諸環節過程與中華文化傳承之間的內在聯系與運行機制進行了深入的探討，並揭示不同時空下中華文化傳承的形態和發展趨向。在學科知識建構層面，厘清華文教育的性質、內容、功能與目標，探賾中華文化的學理內涵和基本精神，初步確立了中華文化傳承框架下的華文教育學基礎。

在理論層面，概括華文教育中華文化傳承實踐的內在規律，凸顯華文教育的中華性、文化性和教化性，提煉華文教師培育、華文教育組織機構建設、華語教學和體驗性培訓等領域的理論問題，爲華文教育的文化傳承提供理論藉鑒。在華文教育史及華文教育思想層面，梳理華文教育與中華文化之間的歷史脈絡，着重分析不同時空背景下華文教育與中華文化傳承之間的邏輯與歷史關係，揭示把握華文教育之中華文化傳承的現代性、當下性與創新性。

在實踐操作層面，探討華文教育傳承中華文化的方法和途徑，深入剖析華文教育組織機構、教師、教材、學生在文化傳承過程中所發揮的功能和作用，總結華文教育中華文化傳承實踐的歷史經驗。本書同時結合漢語國際傳播與華文教育的歷史經驗和現實問題，提出了一些可資決策層參考的建議。（胡培安&陳旋波，2018，華文教育與中華文化傳承，社會科學文獻出版社，ISBN：978-7-5201-1268-0）

（續上）印度尼西亞華人文化是中華文化與在印度尼西亞的異族文化之“混合體文化”或“化合體文化”的不斷“當地化”與堅持“中華化”之産物與過程，而不斷“當地化”與堅持“中華化”又是印度尼西亞華人文化孳生繁衍的機制。印度尼西亞華人文化隻要還是印度尼西亞華人的文化，它必定處在既不斷“當地化”又堅持“中華化”的對立統一過程與機制中並變動不居。

這種變動不居，正是印度尼西亞華人文化充滿活力與生機之所在，正是印度尼西亞華人文化與生俱來就是中華文化與在印度尼西亞的異族文化進行對話、相互交流的重要中介，因此，是炎黃子孫和印度尼西亞各民族（部族）的共同財富，是增進中國與印度尼西亞友好關係的重要資源，是中國善鄰睦鄰友鄰、建構和諧亞洲和世界的重要資源，歸根結底，是21世紀的中國和平崛起的寶貴資源①。

國內已有學者注意到中國伊斯蘭文化對於中華文化現代化的資源創新問題。如果將伊斯蘭文化視野擴大到海外華人社會，印度尼西亞、馬來西亞華人與伊斯蘭世界之間長期的文化交流與對話中所形成的經驗和觀念價值無疑能爲中華文化現代化提供豐富深厚而更有世界意義的伊斯蘭文化資源。

歐美地區華文教育能爲中華文化現代化貢獻出的思想文化資源也十分豐富。如前所述，西學東漸以來中華文化與西方文化的劇烈衝突與碰撞，肇啟了中國的近代思想啟蒙、民主共和和五四新文化運動，戮力支援抗戰救亡，華文教育功莫大焉。與老一代華僑華人相比，歐美華裔群體的文化價值觀已經發生重大變化，據調查，美國華裔宗教信仰以基督教爲主，其次是佛教，再次是道教、儒教及其他中國傳統民間信仰，總體上呈現了多樣性特點。

二戰以後至中國改革開放之前，歐美地區華文教育積極融入西方文化，同時堅持中華文化傳承，培養了華裔新生代的文化認同意識。20世紀90年代以來，中國向歐美地區的移民大潮改變了世界華文教育的版圖，面向新移民的華文教育呈現了蓬勃生機，歐美華校一方面加強對華僑華人青少年融入當地社會的教育培訓，另一方面極爲重視中文教學和中華文化熏陶，培養了他們的民族認同、文化認同以及對社會主義祖國的感情。華僑華人在歐美地區經歷了基督教、天主教與中華文明激烈衝突的歷史進程，西方的科學民主思想、個人主義價值觀與中華文化之間產生了碰撞、對話與交融，華人新生代在所在國既接受完整的西方文化教育，又在華社、家庭和「華文週末學校」浸染中華文化，他們將暢遊於中華文化與西方文化之間，在歷史悠久的歐美華僑文化的基礎上，鍛造出超越性的新型華人文化，為中華文化現代化提供最富有生機的思想資源。（下續）

（續上）迄今爲止，印度尼西亞、馬來西亞華人信仰伊斯蘭教的比例不高，也較少進入當地的伊斯蘭教學校。1965年印度尼西亞華校全面禁閉後，許多華人家庭寧可改變傳統的佛教或道教信仰而轉信基督教，以使子女進入教會學校讀書，也不願讓他們到伊斯蘭教學校就讀，這無疑彰顯了中華文化與伊斯蘭文化之間內在的緊張衝突關係；馬來西亞華人則以數十所獨立中學爲陣地，與強勢的當地伊斯蘭文化教育分庭抗禮。然而，這並不意味着印度尼西亞、馬來西亞華人不存在與異族文化融合的事實。早在18世紀，許多印度尼西亞華僑加入了伊斯蘭教，與當地人通婚，並形成了土生華人社會；20世紀20～30年代土生華人創立了中華會和中華黨，主張認同印度尼西亞，推廣荷蘭語和印度尼西亞語；50年代有些華校（如雅加達八華學校）也主動提出“面向印度尼西亞”，鼓勵通過教育融入印度尼西亞；60年代少數印度尼西亞土生華人發表了《同化簡章》，主動要求自然同化。這些都屬於正常的民族融合歷史現象，問題是，在60年代華人文化融入印度尼西亞社會過程中，蘇哈托當局採取歧視和排斥華人並對華人強制同化的措施，導致了族際之間的矛盾加劇，也阻礙了中華文化與印度尼西亞文化、伊斯蘭文化的真正和解、融合及昇華。整體而言，根據約翰·貝利的文化適應理論，印度尼西亞、馬來西亞華人處於同化（assimilation）、分離（separation）、融合（integration）和邊緣化（marginalization）等四種類型的糾結交錯狀態中，其文化適應尚有待時日。然而，近十多年來印度尼西亞華文教育發展迅速，三語學校紛然並起，華裔新生代與友族學生同窗共讀，文化融合的趨勢愈加明顯。中華文化與印度尼西亞文化、伊斯蘭文化之間的歷史性張力或許長久存在，這種衝突、碰撞、交融過程中建構起來的印度尼西亞華人文化也具有“文化新質”的特徵，同樣構成中華文化在東南亞的另一支脈，正如學者所言：

文化熏陶，培養了他們的民族認同、文化認同以及對社會主義祖國的感情。華僑華人在歐美地區經歷了基督教、天主教與中華文明激烈衝突的歷史進程，西方的科學民主思想、個人主義價值觀與中華文化之間産生了碰撞、對話與交融，華人新生代在所在國既接受完整的西方文化教育，又在華社、家庭和“華文週末學校”浸染中華文化，他們將暢遊於中華文化與西方文化之間，在歷史悠久的歐美華僑文化的基礎上，鍛造出超越性的新型華人文化，爲中華文化現代化提供最富有生機的思想資源。

二戰以後至20世紀末的30多年間，世界各地的華文教育經歷了前所未有的政治、種族及語言文化的交織和衝突，處於諸種文化大激盪大融合的劇烈變遷。隨着中國的崛起，進入21世紀的世界華文教育迎來了嶄新的歷史性機遇，它將伴隨着國運昌盛而突飛猛進，也將對實現中華民族偉大復興的“中國夢”發揮重要作用。有學者認爲，“對中華傳統文化的繼承無疑構成了中國特色社會主義的‘特色’內容。如果説中國發展模式在未來人類文明繼承中將形成創新價值，那麼，中華傳統文化的基礎性作用是不可忽視的；並且幾乎可以肯定地預言：隨着社會主義市場經濟體制的完善，即隨着中國人對西方文化的市場經濟成果和馬克思主義的理想社會目標整合的成功，中華傳統文化將藉此實現一次鳳凰烈火中再生，而中華民族將因此獲得偉大的復興”①。儘管這是針對國內而言的，但中華傳統文化的浴火重生也必將給海外華僑華人帶來前所未有的文化自信，激發他們弘揚中華文化、實現民族復興的強大精神。（下續）（胡培安&陳旋波，2018，華文教育與中華文化傳承，社會科學文獻出版社，ISBN：978-7-5201-1268-0）

愛墾評註：穆斯林東南亞的華教意義

......在東南亞國家中，泰國華人與當地民族通婚的比率最高，不同民族間的文化融合程度最深①，泰國華人的中華民族認同是在民族同化過程中得以實現的。進而言之，泰國政府長期以來通過關閉華校、鼓勵泰華聯姻的方式對華人進行同化，其結果是越來越多的泰人擁有華人血統，這種被壓抑的中華民族認同感待機而發，並將呈現其獨特的文化新質。近年來泰國華文教育的空前盛況便是明証，擁有35家孔子學院和孔子課堂，絶大多數有條件的泰國學校均已開設華文課程，這與其説是華文的商業實用價值所致，還不如説是源於一種基於文化認同的集體無意識。中華文化與泰國當地文化交融過程中所體現的“文化新質”，需要進一步研究。大小乘佛教與儒家文化、關公信仰、中華禮俗之高度融合所産生的新的文化形態已構成泰國華人社會的共同精神根基，成爲中華文化在東南亞生成的支脈，泰國華人新文化無疑是中華文化海外傳播及現代化變遷的重要一環。

如泰國的“華僧宗”就是一種誕生於泰國本土的華人宗教信仰，具有華人新文化的特質。清末南粵禪僧續行和尚赴暹羅傳播大乘教法，營建寺廟，侍奉觀音，吸引當地信衆，在此基礎上形成“華僧宗”，並得到泰國王室的禮敬，“華僧宗”後來又奉神醫華佗爲菩薩，構建了集宗教和慈善爲一體的宗教體系，成爲泰國華人和當地社會的共同信仰。正如學者所言：“‘華僧宗’在適應泰國環境時，對泰國華人文化的‘本土化’必然會産生積極作用，從而促進當地華人逐漸融入於居住國社會。正因爲中泰兩個民族佛教文化形態的相似性，使泰人能以更親近的態度對待華人，而華人因爲相近的文化氛圍能很順利地融合到泰族社會中去。”②泰國的“華僧宗”是中華文化在海外傳播與發展的典型，對於構建華人新文化具有啟示意義。

與泰國不同的是，華僑在處於伊斯蘭世界的印度尼西亞、馬來西亞遭受到較大的文化排斥。英國、荷蘭殖民者長期的民族分化政策，中華文化與伊斯蘭教文化之間異質性特徵的擴大，印度尼西亞、馬來西亞華人在融入當地社會過程中出現了劇烈的對峙和衝突。儘管早期在印度尼西亞、馬來西亞已有爲數衆多的土生華人，鄭和下西洋的歷史影響也在一定程度緩解了中華文化與伊斯蘭文化之間的矛盾，但隨着這兩個伊斯蘭教民族國家的興起，加上20世紀政治、種族因素的衝擊，印度尼西亞、馬來西亞華人一方面肇啟了從適應當地文化、逐漸本土化乃至與異族融合的歷程，另一方面則更顯明地體現了對中華文化的認同和堅守。（下續）

分而治之的把戏

马来西亚最古老的清真寺，建于1729年；

中国现存最古老的清真寺，早在1115年建成。

西方新殖民主义者偏偏一再利用

伊斯兰议题恐吓华人

阻碍华巫联袂一起促进

一带一路商机与文化交流

不外还是分而治之的把戏

離散政治

離散政治或稱僑民政治，研究跨國種族離散（或稱流移）中的政治行為、離散者們跟他們的故鄉和所在國的關係、以及他們在種族衝突中的顯著角色。[1] 離散政治是離散學（diaspora studies）的一部份。

要明白離散者的政治，必先要明白歷史背景及其附帶事件 [2]: 離散者是一個跨國群體，基於他們的共同身份而把自己定義為一個獨特的族群。離散是從故鄉或「祖國」僑居他處而生。在現代，這種移居可能有歷史文獻記載，而離散者們可能跟某片土地有關係。某片土地是否是某族群的祖國或家鄉是一個政治問題。該次遷移發生的時間愈久遠，證據就愈少：以羅姆人為例，他們的祖國、遷移、以及遷移路線都仍未能確定。去宣示一片土地為祖國必定會有政治涵意，而且經常帶來爭議。

因為那個地方和他們的種族以及文化的關係，對自己身份有所認知的離散者很看重他們的故鄉 － 特別當那是失土或佔領區時。有幾個離散者群因此發起種族民族主義運動，亦時常以成功建立主權國為家作終結。但即使建立了「祖國」，全數離散者回歸故鄉卻很少有，而沒有回鄉的離散者通常對故鄉，以及當地其他種族的居民保有重要的情感。

學者現在認為種族離散群體是國際系統裏「無法避免」和「在地」的特徵，Yossi Shain和Tamara Cofman Wittes提出的原因是 [1]：

在離散者所居住的每一個國家中，他們都可以在當地組織起來以加強他們的政治影響力。

離散者可以為了他們所關心的問題而對其祖國當地的政治圈施加強大壓力。

一個離散者跨國群體可以直接跟某第三國及國際組織接觸, 繞過祖國以及所在地政府。

離散者因此被視為跨國政治實體，「為同胞奔走」，而且有能力獨立於任何國家行事，不論是祖國或所在地政府。

1 Shain, Yossi & Tamara Cofman Wittes. Peace as a Three-Level Game: The Role of Diasporas in Conflict Resolution in Ambrosio, Thomas. 2002. "Ethnic identity groups and U.S. foreign policy." Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0275975339

2 Ambrosio, Thomas. 2002. "Ethnic identity groups and U.S. foreign policy." Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0275975339

（原載：维基百科）

According to Xu, history has proven that China was a trade force and not a colonising force, and so more large cities should mirror Shenzhen. Following that, the President of The Asian Strategy & Leadership Institute (ASLI) Malaysia, Mirzan Mahathir, commented that China’s approach was a project to ‘Prosper the Neighbour’. He stated that, “In order to ensure the success of this aspiration, the plan must be understood by all of China’s neighbouring countries so that they too may share the same aspirations.” He also added that from the business point of view, participating countries must reap direct benefits through steps such as creating more work opportunities and reducing trade restrictions in order to ensure the viability of global free trade (Utusan Malaysia 2015).

Thailand’s former Prime Minister Dr. Bhokin Bhalakula on the other hand, suggested that this plan be included in discussions among ASEAN countries in order to create a sense of trust that could promote solidarity amongst member countries. He stated that only by doing so can China and ASEAN work on their own Free Trade Agreements framework as the plan involved a huge investment in order to develop transportation infrastructures, financial cooperation, risk management, and maritime collaboration (Utusan Malaysia 2015).

CONCLUSION

Malaysia’s history of friendship with China goes a long way back and was first founded over 600 years ago during the time of the Malacca Sultanate. The Sino-Malaysian cultural exchange was developed out of the trade between China and India on the route between these two ancient civilisations. It was during that time that the sultanate forged strong relations with China and eventually turned to China for protection against the kingdom of Siam and Majapahit. Hence, the diplomatic relation formed between the two countries after World War II in 1974 was in fact a continuation of the long standing relationship from hundreds of years before. This friendship was forged upon solidarity, understanding and respect from the highest of ranks down to the everyday folks. Tun Abdul Razak’s initiative to reestablish relations with China was then continued by subsequent Prime Ministers as a result of its success and benefits to Malaysia. Various issues and agreements in various sectors were formed in order to boost both countries’ economic growth. It is the hope of both countries that the ties that bind Malaysia and China will remain steadfast in the years to come and that many new collaborations will be formed for the economic wellbeing and prosperity of both countries. Perhaps the tragedy of MH370 will become a lesson that could increase the collaboration between Malaysia and China in the aviation, safety, and deep sea rescue sector.

（Ku Boon Dar, 2016, Preserving the Cultural Bond towards Strengthening Sino-Malaysian Friendship ，International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation [Iman] 4[3], 2016: 87 – 96 [http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/IMAN-2016-0403-09])

Najib Tun Abdul Razak (Sin Chew Jit Poh 2016) announced that as of 1st March until 31st December 2016, tourists from China do not need to obtain visas in order to visit Malaysia. The Prime Minister hoped that a comprehensive strategic relationship with China will be strengthened and thus not only become more productive but also more successful.

In the meantime, the Chinese government is also actively promoting the Muslim Tour Program
in China which is organised by China Radio International (CRI), in order to attract Malaysians
to visit the country. The Muslim tour package reassures Malaysians on the halal status of the food
provided by the organisers since China also has a large Muslim community of 22 million citizens.
Based on the 2015 China Religion Survey, Islam had the youngest followers whereby 22.4 percent
of them were under the age of 30 (The International Business Times 2015).

As the world’s economic giant, China has taken the initiative to revive the silk roads and maritime
routes through their ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative. China plans to build and connect their railways
to East Asian countries and is working hard to encourage more neighbouring countries to improve
their port structures in order to proceed with their maritime Silk Road mission. From China, the route
is expected to span the entire globe to Europe, Africa, the Arab countries, and Southeast Asia. The
idea to develop one economic belt and road came from President Xi Jinping in 2013, who viewed
it as a symbol of trust, unity and cooperation to create a win-win situation for all parties. Malaysia,
along with other ASEAN countries, were of the view that many globalisation challenges had arisen
and will continue to affect the socioeconomic and sociocultural growth process in both countries. Its
impact will be felt in various aspects of two-way relationships, including in the ASEAN context.
However, Malaysia’s Deputy Prime Minister Zahid Hamidi is optimistic that Malaysia holds an important role as a gateway to ASEAN that can balance the global trade flow with China (The Malay
Mail Online 2016).

Therefore, China views Southeast Asian countries as viable gateways to this maritime route who will share in the benefits and economic prosperity resulting from the efforts they have in plan. The Secretary General of the China Foundation for Peace and Development (CFPD),Xu Zhensui, announced in his speech that China is offering Shenzhen as a future global trade window.

Among the pioneers of the China School of Malay Studies was Professor Dr. Wu Zongyu (Awang
Sariyan 2014: 12). Malay studies continued to flourish in China with the addition of six universities which offered Malay Language courses. Apart from BFSU, Peking University and Communication University of China which are in Beijing, Malay Language course is also offered in Guangdong University of Foreign Studies during the 2008-2009 academic years, Guangxi University for Nationalities in Nanning, Yunnan Nationalities University in Kunming in 2008, as well as Luoyang Military Academy in Henan in 1988.

The Malay Language Section of the China Radio International (CRI) which broadcasted in Malay and
reported various topics pertaining to China and its relations with foreign countries in Malay, also helped to spread the Malay language, literature and culture in the country. This indirectly placed CRI as an agent for promoting Malay language and culture in China.

Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka’s (DBP, Malay for the Institute of Language and Literature) publication,
Dewan Budaya magazine have published writings from China through the section ‘Bingkisan CRI’ in
order to introduce China’s culture and tradition to the Malaysian society (http://dwnbudaya.dbp.my/
wordpress/?cat=24). With both states working hand in hand on the matter, Malay studies continued to flourish in China.

DBP had launched an internationalization program in the People’s Republic of China as the centre for the expansion of Malay language and culture in the East Asian region. The long standing foundation is reinforced through current and updated programs which are concrete and matches the requirements of the times. Both countries proved they had a strong bond by learning each other’s official language. This was attested when Malaysian students taking up Mandarin studies at BFSU performed a dikir barat in Mandarin while Chinese students doing Malay studies sang a number of Malay songs and also performed a Malay dance during the delegation’s visit lead by Raja Muda of Perlis Tuanku Syed Faizuddin Putra Jamalullail in year 2014. There are roughly 200 students from Malaysia studying for their degree in the Mandarin language at BFSU, Beijing (The Star Online 2014).

In addition to the education sector, Malaysia and China also nurture good relations in the tourism
sector. Despite experiencing a 2.71 percent drop, specifically from 520,466 to 379,265, in the number of China tourists coming in to Malaysia following the disappearance of flight MH370 and the Sabah kidnapping case, China remains the third country with the most number of tourists to Malaysia.

Malaysia’s decision to provide visa exemption to China nationalities is expected to allow Malaysia
to explore the republic’s domestic tourism market potential. MCA’s president, Liow Tiong Lai (The
Sun Daily 2015), stated that the visa exemption will generate even more income from tourism activities coming in from China into Malaysia. In the recently announced modification to the 2016 Budget, Malaysia’s Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Mohd.  (Con't Below)

As both countries’ governments sealed a joint statement between Malaysia and the People’s Republic of China on 31st May 1974, various joint ventures were explored for the benefit of both parties. After over 50 years today, the ties and joint ventures between the two countries have grown stronger especially in the main sectors such as trade, tourism, culture, education, healthcare, and science and technology. Within this time period, leaders from both countries have exchanged visits in order to discuss arising issues and their solutions for the sake of both countries’ economic and social wellbeing. Malaysia and China’s understanding of and dependence on each other have slowly destroyed the dividing wall built by Western colonizers during the Cold War. In truth, the diplomatic ties were simply a political formality to a relationship which had been established way before. Since 1946, Malay (Indonesia) language had been taught at the Foreign Language Institute in Nanjing City, before being moved to Beijing in 1949 following the formation of the People’s Republic of China (Awang Sariyan 2014: 13).

Malaysia and China also nurtured special relations in the field of education and academia. Thiswas evident in the formation of Malaysia-People’s Republic of China Malay Studies Chair. The Malay Studies Chair is an honorary academic position created by both governments to recognise the role that Beijing Foreign Studies University (BFSU) had in establishing and expanding Malay Studies programs in the republic since 1961. The Malaysian government’s first Malay Studies Chair in China was Datuk Dr. Awang Sariyan who was elected to the chair in 2008. Among other responsibilities, the chair is responsible for introducing new fields to Malay Studies including language, literature, culture, and so on. The chair is also in charge of improving academic programs for degree and post graduate levels, conducting research and publications, organising seminars, and assisting the establishment and fortification of Malay studies or language programs in China’s higher education institutions.

Beijing city is the fourth foreign location to hold an academic chair with the Malaysian government after the University of Ohio in the United States of America, Leiden University in the Netherlands, and Victoria University of Wellington in New Zealand.

The idea for the conception of the chair in Beijing , the Malay Language Teaching Centre was established in BFSU as an agreement between both governments to collaborate in the field of education; specifically the teaching of Malay language in China. (Daily Express 2014).

On 1st September 2005, the China School of Malay Studies was formed and officiated by the PrimeMinister of Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Mohd. Najib Tun Abdul Razak. With the Malay language teaching program being upgraded to Malay studies program, the China School of Malay Studies became the official base for all academic activities and efforts to expand the Malay language, literature and culture in the republic. It also helped to establish Malay Language and Studies Programs in other higher education institutions throughout the country. [Con't Below]

延續閱讀：

文化特區專綫

海絲路·文化·軟實力

The longstanding relations between Malaysia and China was disconnected as a result of the Cold War and Western colonialism that do not want to have any relation with countries that practiced communism. However, a new hope in the relation between Malaysia and Republic of China emergesin the 1970s when the need to build a diplomatic relationship for mutual benefit arise. Malaysia’s foreign policy after the conclusion of the Indonesian confrontation that emphasizes efforts to maintain national security and interests through improved relations and cooperation with regional countries regardless of their view of life and professed political system, contributed to the success of

Malaysia establishing a diplomatic relation with the People’s Republic of China.

The relationship was accomplished due to the effort and confidnce of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Abdul Razak bin Hussein who dared to take risks when other countries do not want a relationship with China. The relationship actually begin with a letter written by Abdul Razak to China’s Prime Minister, Zhou En-Lai in 1971.

The letter was sent through the Chairman of the Table Tennis Association of Malaysia, who was alsosecretary-general of the Alliance Party (now Barisan Nasional), Tan Sri Michael Chen Wing Sum, when the country joined the table tennis tournament in Beijing in September, 1971. After reading the letter, Zhou En-Lai requested that the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ji Pengfei to meet with Chen. The brief meeting paved the way for a serious decision to establish diplomatic ties between the two countries.

Three years later, Tun Abdul Razak made a historic visit to China which not only formed a bond of

friendship between Malaysia and China, but also opened up new chapters in the two way relationship between both countries (Sin Chew Jit Poh 1974).

Tun Abdul Razak stated that, In our foreign policy, we have shown our commitment to the cause of peace by consistently pursuing a policy of nonalignment and regional co-operation and of extending our hand of friendship to all countries who wish to be friends with us irrespective of their political ideology or social system on the basic of mutual respect, non-interference and co-existence.(Jain 1984: 215).

Malaysia was the first Southeast Asian country to form diplomatic relations with the People’sRepublic of China in 1974. It was an important relationship for Malaysia as it helped to curbcommunist activities and to maintain the stability and peace in the Southeast Asian region. China’scommitment to communist movements in Malaysia made it easier for the latter to tackle communistproblems in the country. Following Malaysia’s initiative to form good ties with China, other ASEAN countries also developed similar relations with the republic. Philippines and Thailand were thefirst to do so in July 1975, followed by Singapore in 1990, and finally Brunei in 1991. Indonesia who suspended their diplomatic relationship with China in October 1967 also renewed their relations in July 1990. Thanks to Malaysia’s insistence, China was successfully accepted into the United Nations Organization in 1971. Tun Abdul Razak’s wise and bold decision resolved the Cold War which drovea wedge between China and The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. It also became the basis upon which Southeast Asian countries could boost their relations with the most powerful force in the region.

However, in the dictionary as a list of Chinese words - the word of foreign states (Hua Yi Yi Yu) is not clear if the Malay language is also embodied in it. However, it was found in the 15th century that a Chinese-Malay bilingual dictionary was made as was researched by western scholars such as E. D. Edwards and C. O. Blagden in the 1930s. The title of the dictionary in Chinese was Ma La Jia Guo Yi Yu (A Chinese Vocabulary of Malacca Words and Phrases, 滿剌加館譯語). The words collected in it are believed to include the vocabulary of the early days of the onset of the Ming Dynasty’s relationship with the Malacca Sultanate from 1403 until the fall of Malacca in the hands of the Portuguese in 1511. The dictionary consists of 482 entries of Chinese words which are considered important and categorized into 17 fields namely astronomy, geography, season and time, plants, birds and animals, houses and castles, behaviours, body, gold and jewels, society and history, color, counting and common words. Each entry is given a Malay translation written in Chinese (Liang Liji 1996: 92).

The dictionary was compiled with the needs of the Ming Dynasty to establish a relationship with Malacca. Until the end of the 16th century it was still a reference dictionary, including in the preparation of Chinese history books. Thus, the close and familiar relationship between the two civilizations have also left a large and important impact on the language as well, as evidenced by the widespread role of the Malay language.

The relationship and interaction between the two civilizations was later ended for a long period due to the change in the system in China and from the effects of colonization on Malacca and the Malay kingdom by the Western powers. Only in the 18th century an onwards, the relationship was reconnected however with a pattern that is much different, because the arrival of the Chinese was not sent by the Chinese government on diplomatic relations but rather an attempt by Western colonialists to meet the needs of its economy, with most of the migrants made workers in the tin mines and a number of others trying their luck in business. According to Blythe (1947: 66), 1850 was the date of commencement of a large-scale immigration from mainland China to Peninsular Malaysia. Mc Gee (1964: 70) has noted that the Chinese arrived by the largest numbers between 1880 and 1914. On the contrary, Tregonning (1962) stated that the number of Chinese migration increased from 50,000 in 1880 to 200,000 in 1990 and peaked to a record level of more than 360,000 in 1927. More than 6 million Chinese have signed into colonies and territories under British protection in Peninsular Malaysia (Tregonning, 1962).

History finally gives reference to the pattern of demographic and social system in the Federation of Malaya and then Malaysia when Chinese residents were granted citizenship at the time of the Federation of Malaya gained independence in 1957. Now (2014), Chinese makes up 22.6 percent of Malaysian citizen and they contribute to the various cultures through their way of life in the areas of art, festivals, food, clothes, belief system and so on.

Moreover, there was mutual desire and interest to appreciate the unique treasures of the local culture and civilization. It can be seen in the records by Ma Huan (c. 1380-1460) and Fei Xin (c. 1385-1436) about the situation in Malacca. Generally, Liang Liji (1996) summarized three important things which is a result of the relation and interaction of the two great civilization which can be simplified as such:

1 The establishment of friendship which was mutual in all things such as respect, understanding and appreciation to the extent that no conflicts can affect the friendly relation of both nation.

2 The existence of similar attitude in promoting peace and justice by revoking violence and hostility. This is different from the arrival of the Western fleet with the intent and mission to colonize.

3The existence of economic cooperation in the form of bilateral trade through three systems of that era; the trade between the ruler (in the form of tributes and reply in awards and various valuables), trade between the kingdoms based on the contract of sale of certain goods only to China with prices that favours Malacca and common trade among the general public.

Another benefit that is no less important in the context of civilization is the influence and the expansion of the use of the Malay language as the lingua franca of the Malacca Sultanate era. If during the Srivijaya era had already existed the Chinese Buddhist monk who learnt ancient Malay, hence, during the Malacca Sultanate, the Malay language was not only learnt by the religious ministers but also a language learnt and used to manage trades and livelihood by the Chinese especially among traders.

More important than that was the “royal attention” on the Ming Dynasty when the committee set up interpreters (Da Tong Shi) to meet the interests and needs of external relations. Tong Shi or interpreters who served in 18 sub-committees (Xiao Tong Shi) amounted to 60 people and two were dedicated to the Malay language; one for Malacca and the other for Sumatera. To train interpreters, in 1405, Emperor Ming Yongle established a language academy known as “Si Yi Guan” (Center of Foreign Languages) in the capital of Yingtian Fu (now Nanjing). There were eight departments in the rab, Malacca, Java and others). The foreign language academy lasted over 400 years and extended into the Qing Dynasty from the Ming although its name was changed in 1748 to Hui Tong Si Yi Guan. The role of the academy only stopped after the Opium War in 1840, after the Qing Dynasty faced political instability.

The importance of the Malay language as the language of communication across civilizations created an effort to compile a bilingual dictionary which was important for Chinese traders and others in the interaction in the Malay world. Initial efforts in compiling a bilingual dictionary was traced back as early as 14th century during the era of Emperor Ming Hongwu (1368 – 1399), the first emperor of the Ming Dynasty (Liang Liji 1996: 92).

Related:

海絲路·文化·軟實力

Baba Nyonya society are fluent in Malay language. Although fluent in the Malay language, in the aspects of ideology and spiritually, they still follow their ancestral practices and beliefs. They practise a different lifestyle as a result from the convergence of two different cultures. Until now, they still exist in Malacca and maintain the lifestyle and tradition of their ancestors. The legacy of friendly relations between the Sultanate of Malacca with China also remains to this day. This can be seen in the names of places and the architectural influence which is related to China. The mosques had terraced roofs or pyramid shaped. Chinese pattern carvings are significant and can be seen on roof edges as well as the top of a mosque which can also be seen in Chinese temples. Mosques that have pyramidshaped roof is also in the habit resembling a pagoda tower (Ezrin Arbi 1971). The sino-electic mosque with three roofs were Kampung Hulu, the Tengkera Mosques and Kampung Keling Mosque. They are located in the town of Malacca. Therefore, the mosques have always been the focus of traders in view of its position in the strategic areas of the city.

The mosques are fenced with bricks and stones with an archaic entrance similar to a temple. According to history, the mosques were built by Chinese traders. Hence the Chinese elements and carvings in the architectures. Among the best example was the Kampung Keling mosques which has a pagoda shaped tower and an arched entrance. The mosque is decorated with intricate Chinese carvings in the prayer section and outside the mosque (Ezrin Arbi 1971).

In addition, in the course of close relationship between Malacca and China over a century, since1403 to 1521, it is apparent that there were mutual visits between the two sides, both of which involved kings or rulers with regard to the relation of political trade and culture. Ming Shi Zhong Lu’s record in the fourth edition, listed 57 diplomatic relation between Malacca and Ming Dynasty during that period. The relationship was based on loyalty and mutual respect between both kingdoms. Even though China is a big empire and powerful then, their visits to Malacca was only to show goodwill and for trade. China never planned to conquer or to colonize Malacca.

The relation between the Malay and the Chinese before the occupation of the West, took place inharmoniously and naturally without force. Of course, nothing was termed as a proto- maritime colonialist as it was once touted by Geoff Wade (2004: 10) to the Zheng He delegation to Nanyang.

It was entirely different from the arrival of Western powers to Malacca such as the Portuguese, Dutch and the British who tried to expand their power and influence to Southeast Asia with war and colonization. There lies the uniqueness of Malacca and China’s relationship. It is because the relationship was never to conquer and colonize as what the Western powers were doing in the 16th century. This relationship shows how both sides are interdependent on mutual interest in the political and economic aspects. Mutual respect and recognition of the dignity and sovereignty of each as well as to appreciate the culture and heritage of both sides.

This historical marriage was commemorated with the building of Hang Li Po’s well. The well never went dry and was the only source of water during the dry season. The Dutch built a wall surrounding the well in 1677 to preserve it as a wishing well. Some said that by tossing coins, they will return to Malacca in the future (Kong Yuanzhi 2000: 68).

The forging of this tie gave an impact and encouragement when Malacca was no longer disturbed by foreign powers like the Siam and Majapahit. This situation has provided an opportunity for Malacca to grow rapidly into a world-class flourishing trading center. Melaka’s monopoly on the China’s commodity has attracted more and more traders to conduct trade in Melaka. Hence, Malacca became the focus of Muslim and non-Muslim traders developing Malacca not only in terms of economy but also socially. This condition allows Malacca to develop rapidly until it became a successful main An in-depth research on the borrowing of Chinese language in Malay Language was conducted by Kong (1993). According to Kamus Dewan (Dictionary of the Malay language, 1970), Kong (1993) concluded that there are 261 Chinese loan words in Malay language. A research by Mashudi and Yeong (1989) stated that there are 341 Chinese loan word in the Malay language. From the number of words, only 90 words are still used while another 251 words were outdated and no longer use. The trading centre (Tan Ta Sen 2009: 156).

LANGUAGE VERSATILITY, ETHNIC DIVERSITY

The friendship between Malacca and China has brought changes in the structure of society in Malaya when there are traders from the other country who migrated to Malacca and got married with the locals. The result of this mixed marriages have created a new group of society called the Peranakan Chinese or better known as Baba Nyonya. “Peranakan” came from the Malay language root word “anak” (child) which means “descendants of Chinese and of another race” or “generations of Chinese born in Malaya”. The name “Baba” is a reference for men while “Nyonya” is used to refer to the women. The existence of the “Peranakan” race linguistically have helped to increase the Malay language vocabulary which came from Hokkien. The process of communication between the two communities have demonstrated the phenomenon of vocabulary adaptation. In such case, the relationship between the Malay and Chinese society have caused the adaptation of Chinese language in Malay language. Some of the vocabulary adapted from Chinese language can be seen below:

However, the height of the relationship between the two civilizations, happened during the Ming
Dynasty in the 15th century that Liang Liji (1996: 12) stated, “this history should be recorded in gold
because of its achievement that is unparalleled in the history of both nations.” This is so because both civilization have reached a diplomatic relationship that is organized both in the politics or trade
relationship as well as culture. Malacca under the rule of King Parameswara (Sultan Iskandar Syah)
became the first destination for Emperor Ming Yongle (1403 – 1424) to come to Malay world in
1403. The history of diplomatic ties between China and Malacca written in Ming Shi Lu. This huge
electronic work of Ming Shi Lu can be accessed via Geoff Wade, Southeast Asia in the Ming Shi-lu: An Open Access Resource. Singapore: Asia Research Institute and Singapore E-Press a href="http://epress.nus.edu.sg/msl/%3E" target="_blank">http://epress.nus.edu.sg/msl/>;.

Rapidity and closeness between the two civilizations is reflected in the fact of some important
and interesting facts. These include the sending of Admiral Zheng He or Sampo Kong (which in Malay history known as Admiral Cheng Ho) with a massive fleet for a goodwill visit to Southeast Asia, South Asia and West Asia, with the greatest ship can load goods weighing 2,500 tons and a total of 1,000 people. The total number of ships were 100 to 200 ships with the officials, crews and army reaching to 27,000 to 28,000 people on board. Zheng He was the epitome of excellence at world sailing expedition during the 15th century. He is a Muslim and a very well-known sailor, diplomat, a wise war hero, and a daring explorer. Zheng He created history by making seven sailing expedition from China to Southeast Asia, South Asia, Central Asia and East Africa from 1405 to 1433 (Tan Ta Sen 2009: 155).

Another important factor was the visits made by the Malacca king to China. In 1411, Parameswara
(1344 – c. 1414), the ruler of Malacca along with 540 followers was escorted by Cheng Ho to meet
the third emperor of Ming Dynasty, Yung Lo. The delegation from Malacca was granted yellow
umbrella, a seal and a set of clothing as a sign of recognition from the Chinese kingdom towards the
Malay sultanate of Malacca. Later, envoys from Malacca was sent to China in 1412 and 1413 as a
sign to strengthen the friendship. During the reign of Sultan Mansor Shah (1459 – 1477 M), he also
forge a diplomatic tie with the Chinese kingdom. An envoy with gifts were sent to China. The Chinese Emperor bestowed Princess Hang Li Po upon Sultan Mansor Shah as a decision and acknowledgment of Sultan Mansor Shah as the ruler of Malacca Sultanate. Hence, the Sultan sent the Bendahara Tun Perpatih Putih to escort the award, Princess Hang Li Po to Malacca in 1458 along with 500 of her followers. Princess Hang Li Po was later married to Sultan Mansor Shah in 1459. This envoy and award showed that Malacca and China have entered another phase of long-term relationship between Malacca-China. This forged the relationship between the royal families of two kingdoms.

At the beginning of 673 AD, when the northeast monsoon wind blows, I-Ching begins to cruise through the Bay of Bengal to India. In his voyage, he had stated that after ten days of sailing from Kedah, he arrived in the Kingdom of the Naked People (Nicobar Islands) (Takakusu 1896: 197) and a half months later arrived at Tan-mo-li-ti (Tamralipti). In addition to the question of religion, aspects of customs, etiquette and different culture in Malay has attracted the attention of Yi Jing that the Srivijaya Empire was highly regarded by Tang Dynasty as the centre of civilization in the Malay world. The Chinese kingdom also hopes that the peacefulness will allow diplomatic missions and trades between Southeast Asia who commutes to China will gain benefit in the concept of “de” (德) in the form of harmonious, natural relationship.

“De” is key concept in Chinese philosophy, usually translated as “inherent character; inner power;
integrity” in Taoism, “moral character; morality” in Confucianism and other contexts and “quality,
virtue” or “merit, virtuous deeds” in Chinese Buddhism.

China not only established relationship with Srivijaya but also with other provinces in the
archipelago such as Siam (Thailand), Burma (Myanmar), Annam (Vietnam), Malacca and Java.
China’s efforts to create a good regional relations was also continued by sending Chinese naval fleet
expedition to Nanyang (southern sea) and other regions. While the Tang Dynasty was ruling China,his ruler had opened seven trade routes with the outside world which was commonly known as the Silk Road.

The Silk Road not only was the trade route for silk but also for various other commodities such as slaves, satin, and many other fine fabrics, musks, other perfumes, spices and medicines, jewels, glassware and rhubarb. One of them is the sea route from Guangzhou to India, Persia and Arab through the Malay world such as the Malay Peninsula, Srivijaya, Java (Ho-ling) and others. This
route is a catalytic activity of cultural exchange and technology as well as the main channel for the dissemination of knowledge, ideology, philosophy and culture which connects traders, merchants, priests, missionaries, soldiers, nomads and urban dwellers in China, India, Persia, Asia and Mediterranean for nearly 3,000 years. Trade along the Silk Road is the most important factor driving the development of the great civilizations in China with the outside world. At times, it set up the basis for the development of the modern world (Manchester & Cuno 2007: 8).

AN OVERVIEW OF THE MALAY AND CHINESE RELATION

The close tie between China and the Malay world was continued by Song Dynasty (960– 1279 M)
and Yuan Dynasty (1206–1368 M). During the two dynasties, the relationship with Srivijaya and Java
was focused on trade although aspects of culture follows on. The close relationship between MalayChinese, continues while focused was given on trade relations. Merchandise from Southeast Asia, China, India and West Asia are traded together. Trades through the use of sea route has allowed traders from China to identify the various exotic and valuable commodities. Referring to a source from Han Dynasty, a chapter 28 from a book titled Ch’ien Han Su (Annals of the Early Han Dynasty) of Pan Ku tells a story of Chinese traders who boarded the ship of “barbarian” who were not of Chinese descent, to buy pearls, jewels and other rare commodities (Wheatley 1955). It was estimated about 36 times or an average of three times in a year, messengers from Srivijaya was sent to China in Southeast Asia. As a sign of respect and appreciating good relation with the Chinese kingdom, king of Srivijaya financed the building of temple in Guangzhou city in 1079.

Chinese historical source described the relationship of the Chinese kingdom with the Malay
world in detail from the beginning. It was pioneered clearly during Han Dynasty which was recorded by Han Shi Di Li Zhi, followed by series of relationship with later dynasties. Han Shu Di Li Zhi described the voyage of Emperor Wu Di (140 BC- 87 BC) to Huang Zhi (Kanchipuram) in southeast India with the country in Southeast Asia and South Asia.

In addition, Hou Han Shu also described that in the year 131 AD, the kingdom of Diao Ye believed to
be either in Java or Sumatera has sent tribute to the Chinese emperor and whereby the emperor later awarded a prize to the king in return (Liang Liji 1996: 13).

However, the relationship between China and Malay world was briefly interrupted when stability
in the Han Dynasty was compromised. Hence the relationship with the Malay world is often severed
without continuity. Similarly, at that time, there is no state in the Malay world which has a great and
impactful government that the relationship is not so familiar. However, China’s relations with the
Malay world jumped to a higher level after the rise of the Tang Dynasty (618-907 AD) and in the Malay Srivijaya Empire in the 7th century. The relationship between the two kingdoms of which one was in Southeast Asia while the other from the Malay world, carried a great significant specifically in the context of modern interaction. It was not confined to trades only but transcends to the cultural ties, thoughts and belief system. During Tang dynasty, the Buddhist monks’ activity in Srivijaya became the best means to expand religious teachings outside its territory. At the same time, the old Malay language which was strongly influenced by Sanskrit became the tool to understanding Sanskrit for the Buddhist monks. One of the monk’s well-kept record was documented by Fa-Hsien who have made the sacred journey to India by land across Central Asia.

Paul Wheatley (1961) in his research about the adventures of Fa-Hsien was more likely to follow the opinion of Grimes (1941) which stated that Fa-Hsien has been through passage in the Straits of Malacca before arriving in Borneo or Java as compared to the opinion expressed earlier by Wilson (1838-1839), Sykes (1840-1841) and James Legge (1886) which states that the adventures of Fa-Hsien been through before reaching the Sunda Strait to Borneo (Takakusu 1896). Meanwhile the monk, Yi Jing (I-Ching) who lived for six months in the capital of Srivijaya in 671 AD and later went to Chieh-cha (Kedah) with the mission to enhance his religious study, while helping to expand the spread of Buddhism in the country has clearly shown the close tie between the two countries and civilization.

INTRODUCTION

The relationship between China and the Malay world was often strengthen during the Ming Dynasty
with the Malacca Sultanate. In fact, the Malay Peninsula and the Island of Borneo have built ties
with China since the first century even when the country and nation’s entity was still non-existence.
According to archaeological findings found in the Niah Cave (Sarawak), the mural paintings, coffins
made of copper had similarities with the copper coffins found in Guangxi, Guizhou and Sichuan. It
was proven that these coffins were archaeological remains of the Three Kingdom (AD 220-280) war
era in China. In addition, archaeological remains such as the bronze drum unearthed after a flood in
the Temerloh River (Pahang), coins, knives, iron and fishing hooks carved with Chinese characters
was found on the coast of Sarawak also proved that there were initial relation in trades between
the Malays and Chinese (Zhou & Tang 2011: 41).

Majority of the earthenware found in the area was linked to the remains of Han Dynasty (206
BC -220 AD). In addition, the trade relationship between the Malay Peninsular and China can be
seen from the remains of artifacts such as found in the Bujang Valley (Chieh-cha), Kalumpang Island
(Sabah), Matang in Perak, Johor Lama (Lo-Yueh), Singapore, Tioman Island (Tiyumah), Kuala Berang in Terengganu (Fo-lo-an), Pattani, Chaiya and Ligor in Thailand (Zuliskandar & Nik Hassan 2010: 47).

The ports in these states formed trade relationship with China from the artifacts found since the Song Dynasty while the trades in Kedah have begun since the Tang Dynasty (618 – 906 BC). Historian,
K. G. Tregonning (1965: 2) stated that the Malay Peninsular was the port (relay station) for ChinaIndia trades. Indeed, the history of interaction between Malay and Chinese civilization has run long. The Sino-Malaysia cultural exchange was developed out of the trade between China and India, due to the Malay Peninsula’s strategic location on the route of Chinese and Indian sails, the Malay
Peninsula had delevoped transit trade through which its cultural exchange with China had dawned (Zhou & Tang 2011: 12).

Preserving the Cultural Bond towards Strengthening Sino-Malaysian Friendship

Melestarikan Hubungan Kebudayaan, ke Arah Memperkukuh Persahabatan Malaysia-China

Author: Ku Boon Dar

ABSTRACT

This paper is an attempt to trace the history of traditional friendship between China and Malaysia which had been established since the Han Dynasty. The ties between both countries were further strengthened in the 15th century with the establishment of diplomatic relation between the Ming Dynasty and the Malacca Sultanate. The paper also discusses the diplomatic ties between China and Malaysia which was officially reconciled in 1974 during the second Malaysia Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak bin Hussein’s visit to China. This bilateral relationship has continued to develop
and gained significance with China’s ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative in 2013, which was inspired by China’s president, Xi Jinping. The paper describes the relationship between the two great empires (China and the Malay world), which carries a special significance in the context of the interaction of civilizations. This interaction does not only revolve around the issues of trade, investment and tourism alone but its significance is also visible in various socio-cultural issues especially the development of the Malay language in China.

Keywords: Sino–Malaysian relations; Malay language; Overseas Chinese (Huaqiao); Peranakan Chinese (BabaNyonya); Malayan Communist Party (MCP)

ABSTRAK

Makalah ini menelusuri sejarah panjang persahabatan tradisional antara China dengan Malaysia yang sudah dijalinkan sejak Dinasti Han. Jalinan kedua-dua negara ini terus dimekarkan pada abad ke-15 dengan hubungan Dinasti Ming dengan Kesultanan Melayu Melaka. Seterusnya makalah ini juga membincangkan hubungan diplomatik antara ChinaMalaysia yang dijalinkan semula secara rasmi pada tahun 1974 semasa kunjungan Perdana Menteri Malaysia, Tun Abdul Razak bin Hussein ke China. Hubungan dua hala ini telah pesat berkembang sehingga kepada inisiatif ‘One Belt One
Road’ China yang diilhamkan oleh Presiden China, Xi Jinping pada 2013. Makalah ini menjelaskan bahawa hubungan antara dua buah kerajaan besar, yang satu di Asia Timur dan yang satu di alam Melayu itu, mempunyai signifikan yang khusus dalam konteks interaksi tamadun yang bukan hanya berlingkar pada hubungan perdagangan, pelaburan dan pelancongan semata-mata, malah menjangkau kepelbagaian isu-isu sosiobudaya khususnya perkembangan bahasa Melayu di China.

Kata kunci: Hubungan China-Malaysia; bahasa Melayu; Orang Cina Seberang (Huaqiao); Peranakan Cina (BabaNyonya); Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM)

（Ku Boon Dar, 2016, Preserving the Cultural Bond towards Strengthening Sino-Malaysian Friendship ，International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation [Iman] 4[3], 2016: 87 – 96 [http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/IMAN-2016-0403-09])

See Also: 海絲路·文化·軟實力

With the subjugation of ligor by Sukhothai about 1280 the suzerainty over Pahang fell to the Thai in the 14^th Century. In the same century Pahang suffered an invasion from Majapahit which thereafter claimed that State as one of its conquests. This raid may have had no lasting effect (20), thought it appeared that it resulted in inter-marriage between members of the ruling family of Majapahit and the princes of Pahang. The Thai over-lords of Ligor apparently did not interfere with the Ligor dynasty in Pahang but they, too, may have contracted marriage alliances with the Pahang royal family. The new empire had arisen in the nor contented itself with exciting tribute from Pahang and establishing settlements in the country.

The Pre-Malaccan people of Pahang lived by mining gold, tin, and iron and planning rice. They left many traces; irrigation works, mine workings, remains of brick building, specimens of Sawankalok pottery, and probably the pottery industry at Kuala Tembeling which has survived through years to the present days. The pre-Malaccan occupied the Tembeling, Thet can be traced as far as south as the Merchong. They extended into the Pahang and the Jelai;their tracks can be found along lake Chini up to the Headwaters of the Rombin; in the old Selinsing mines scoops of Palas wood used by them have been discovered. They left numerous relics in gold-working at Tresang and Sempore. They make their way to bebar, They established settlements at Jeram Kuai (Koi) and Jong Berlabon on the Tembeling, at Lubok Pelang, Lubok Paku, at Chini, at Langgar, at Pengkalan Durian in Ulu Bebar, at pura, and else where. Their occupation is commemorated by the nomenclature of places such as Chini, Parit Siam, Tambak Siam, Lubang Siam (or Lumbong Siam),, Parit Siam, Sungai Lego (Ligor) a tributary of the Tekam in the vicinity of Kota gelanggi. (21)

(Chapter 2, The Pre-Malaccan People, in A History of Pahang, W. Linehan, Silverfish Malaysia Classic Series 18, 2020, Pakka English Enterprise, pg. 15-22, Previously published as Volume XIV Part II, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in May 1936 )

Candrabhanu a king of Ligor who, according to the Jaiya inscription (which has now been discovered to have come from Ligor and not from Jaiya or Chaiya). styled himself Seri Dharma- raja and Lord of Tambralinga, the Ceylonese "Mahavamsa" tells us, led two hostile expeditions against Ceylon about the middle of the 13th century with Javaka (Malay) forces. (14)

By 1292, Ligor had become the extreme southern limit of the Thai kingdom of Sukhodaya (Sukhothai). Now Logor has been widely accepted as being the Tan-ma-ling of Chan Ju-Kua 15 and the Tambralinga of the Jaiya inscription. There are two localities in Pahang which are suggestive of the name given by the Chinese chronicler: the river Tembeling which, the discovery of numerous Neolithic and early iron-age implements there indicates, was at one time a thickly populated district, and Tanjung Tembeling the northern headland of Kuantan river. Was there a connection between these places and Logor?

The history of the Ming Dynasty states that the Pahang ruler who sent envoys to China in 1378 was called Maharaja, the same style as that  affected by the King of Logor. When the Malacca forces conquered Pahang about 1454, according to the Malay Annals, (16) they found there a “Siamese” prince with the title Maharaja Dewa Sura, king oi Logor (who bore the same title as that of the prince who ruled in Pahang about 1454), on the instruction of the king of Siam invaded Pahang.，following the route Tembeling.

It is not unlikely that this invasion state was in reassertion of a pre-Thai Suzerainty , that is to Ligor, the Tan-ma-ling of the Chinese and the Tambralinga of the Jaiya inscription, that we must look at least during one period, for the origin of the pre-Malaccan rulers of Pahang., and that it was the men of Ligor who give the name of their country Tan-Ma-ling to the river Tembeling, (18)，a highway of communication between Pahang and the north, and to Tanjung Tembeling at Kuantan, the only safe anchorage for their fleet on the coast during the season of the north-east monsoon (19), and the port of access to the rich tin mines of Sungai Lembing. To Ligor, a state powerful enough to invade Ceylon twice during 13^th cebtury , the conquest of Pahang must present no great difficulty.

At that time the ruler of Pam governed Syncapura : and the monarch who resided in Pathane, the metropolis of the Malayos, was tributary to the empire of Syam, for right clown to the present day the Malayos regard the latter as their master: while the head of the principal empire and administration was the Emperor of Attay .... "

He adds : ·' Permicuri,2 by birth a Jao of Palimban in Samatta or the Golden Chersonese allied himself in marriage with the lords and monarchs of Patane and Pam who belonged to the family of the Malaios .... " 3

[Pg 18]

This first Malaccan potentate chose Malacca as his headquarters about the end of the 14th century. cl'Eredia relates that:

" Permicuri selected this spot in the interests of his own safety, for he stood in fear of the ruler of Pam, over-lord of the countries of Ujontana, who was making warlike preparations to capture him, in consequence of the treachery which Permicuri had perpetrated in Sincapura, when he assassinated the ' Xabandar ' who was telated to the lord of Pam, despite the kindness which the ' Xabandar' had shown at his house in Syncapura, when Permicuri took refuge there in his flight from his father-in-law the Emperor of Java Major .... " 4

In the same chapter d'Ereclia calls Permicuri the " flrst king of the Malayos." According to d'Albuquerque's "Commen- taries," it was the ruler of Palani of whom Permicuri stood in fear, and the murdered chief's name was Tamagi.

d'Eredia (12) states that the religion of Islam was in introduced into Patani and Pahang before it was accepted by "Permicuri at Malacca in the year 1411." That statement is certainly true of Trengganu (which at that time appears to have formed a province of Patani), and is probably true of Pahang, though we have no other evidence to show that Islam was practised in the country before 1454.

Mahayana Buddhism, on which were superimposed Tantric orgies involving human sacrifice, had reached the Malay Peninsula about the 8th century. Its influence in Pahang, I though it waned with the introduction of Islam as the State religion about 1454, may be traced up to the beginning of the  17th century.

In the 12th century the kingdom of San Fo-ts'i began to decline, and by the 14th century, in the south, the east-Java state of Majapahit had become predominant, while, in the north, by 1292, the Siamese (Thai) kingdom, with its capital at Sukhodaya, had emerged.

8. d'Eredia's "Description of Malacca," translation by J.V. Mills, loc. cit., p. 3
9. An incorrect rendering of Parameswara.
10. aop. cit., p. 57.
11. op. cit., p. 16.
12. op. cit., p. 49.
13. JRAS (Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XIV, Part II, History of Pahang. 9 ~

A vassal of San Fo-ts'i, according to Chau Ju-Kua, was Tan-ma-ling. Gerini (13) identified this country with Kuantan, a district of Pahang, on the ground that the north promontory of the Kuantan river was called Tanjong Tembiting, '' Cape Ternbeling.''

The Hsing-ch'a Sheng-lan, written in 1486 by Fei Hsin, a Chinese Moslem and an Arabic scholar, gives the following interesting account of Pahang and its people :

" This country is situated at the west of Siam ; it is surrounded by rocky ridges of mountains, which, seen from a distance, have the appearance of a table-land. The ground is fertile, and they have abundance of rice. The weather is often very warm.

"Their customs cannot be much praised; they make human images of fragrant wood, and kill people in order to make a sacrifice of the blood, when they pray for luck or try to ward off evil.

" Men and women have their hair in a knot, and are clad with a single piece of cloth. Girls of rich families wear four or five golden circles on their foreheads, and the daughters of the common people use strings of coloured glass beads instead.

" They boil salt out of sea-water, and make wine by fermenting rice-gruel. " Products of the country are lignum-aloes, camphor, tin and a kind of wood used in dyeing. Articles of import are gold, silver, coloured silks, Java-cloth, copper and iron- ware, gongs, boards, etc."

[pg. 18] According to d' Eredia, Pahang was the second Malay kingdom in the Peninsula, in succession to Patani, and flourished before the founding of Malacca ; the ruler of Pahang in the latter part of the fourteenth century, a relative (by marriage) of Parameswara, first ruler of Malacca, was Lord of Ujong Tanah (the southerly part of the peninsula including Singapore).

d'Eredia 2 records that .: " Pan was the second seat of the Empire of the Malaios ; its site lies on the eastern coast of the Peninsula in three degrees of North latitude; the port is just as much frequented by merchants, because of the gold from its auriferous mines : it contains the best and largest gold-mines in the whole Peninsula : it was from here, one presumes, that there came the gold which formed the subject of the ancient trade with Alexandria .... "

The same chronicler writes : （8） " It is to be noted that the eastern coast of Ujontana was peopled and frequented before the other 01:  western coast : thus the histories relate that Malayos, was inhabited Pattane and Pam before the foundation of Malacca. "

Tajau of the Chinese chronicler may be Tanjong, and the reference may be to the northern head-land of the estuary of the river Pahang which was known to sea-farers as TanJong Pahang, " Cape Pahang."

Pa-la-mi-so-la-ta-lo-si-ni was almost certainIy the Chinese rendering of Parameswara Telok1 Chini, " the prince of Chini Haven." Chini, which, in Siamese, means gibbon, gives its name to a mountain, a lake, a stream and a village situated about forty miles from the mouth of the river Pahang. There pre-Malaccan remains have been found. （3） In the same locality is Luit, with a village Singgora called after the capital of Patani, where, too, there are traces of pre-Malaccan habitation.3 Except on the banks of the river, Chini is still jungle-clad, and little investigation has yet been done. For the Malays, Lake Chini has associations with the past : in their eyes the lake and its adjoining mountain are sacred, and they credit the place with the possession of a white crocodile styled Seri Pahang: "the glory of Pahang." It is possible that the lake did not always exist in its present form and that it covers the site of an ancient town. Only when the jungle gives up its secrets will the truth be known.

[pg 17]  Assuming the correctness of these identifications, we then have, in 1378 A.D., a king at Tanjong Pahang known by the designation of Maharaja, and, in 14ll A.D., at Chini, a ruler with the style of Parameswara4, a title also used by the founder of Malacca. Did these two kingships exist contemporaneously or do both titles refer to the same undivided line of rulers with merely a change o[ residence, or is it to be supposed that between 1378 and 14ll the king at Tanjong Pahang was displaced by the Chini potentate? These are questions which cannot, at present, be answered.

We are told by d'Eredia that the kings of Pahang ruled only the coastal region. We know that the ruler of Pahang, at the date of its conquest by the Malacca Malays about 1454, bore the title of Maharaja. There is reason to believe that, at least as far as the people were concerned, apart from their rulers, the region of Kampong Melayu near Chini was at one time the boundary between the Malays and another race.1

2 Menangkabau: telok, a bay, or a bend in the river, commonly used in the expression telok rantau
"the bends and the reaches " of a river.

3 J. M. B. R. A. S., Vol. VI, Pt. IV, 1928, p. 79.

4 Journal, F.M.S. Museums, Vol. IX, Pt. 2, 1920, p. 152.

5 Dr. P. V. van Stein Callenfels points out that the term Parameswara seems to have been, in mediaeval times, in Majapahit and Bali the special title of the non-royal husband of a ruling princess, and that the word where it occurs in old inscriptions, designates the consort of a queen.

7 J. M. B. R. A. S., Vol. VI, Pt. IV, 1928, p. 81. 1 " Report on the Golden Chersonese," translation by J. V. Mills (J. M. B. R. A. S., Vol. VIII, P t. I, p. 233). 

The Pre-Malaccan People in A History of Pahang

CHAPTER II. THE PRE-MALACCAN PEOPLE.

In the seventh century A.D. a kingdom called by Chinese chroniclers San Fo-ts'i which has been identified by Dr. Coedes with the Malay Seri-Vijaya with a capital, at one period, situated in Palembang, became predominant in the Malay Archipelago and the Peninsula. This empire has been thought to be the contem- porary Zabug or Zabag of Arab geographers. In 1225 A.D. the Chinese writer Chau Ju-Kua, apparently describing conditions in the preceding century, records that Pong-fong (Pahang) was one of the dependencies of San Fo-ts'i. Another vassal state of San Fo-ts'i was Tan-ma-ling, to which place we shall return presently. The Tao i chik lio written by Wang Ta-Yuan in 1349 makes mention of P'eng K'eng (Pahang) and Pa-tu-ma (?Pulau Tioman) among other regions.

According to the Nagarakrtagama, composed in 1365, Pahang, Ujong Medini (Johore), Muar, Langkasuka, Kelantan, Trengganu, Paka and Dungun, Tumasik (Singapore), Sang Yang Ujong (Sungai Ujong), Kelang and Kedah were tributary states of Majapahit. To this list of the Javanese empire's dependencies the " Chronicles of Pasai " add various islands off the east coast of the Peninsula including Pulau Tioman, Pulau Tinggi, Pulau Pemanggil and Pulau Laut.

The History of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1643)1 presents a picture of Pahang in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: " Pahang is situated at the west of Siam. In the year 1378 the king, Maharaja Tajau, sent envoys with a letter on a gold leaf, and bringing as tribute six foreign slaves, and products of the country. They were received according to the established rules. "

[Pg.16] In the year 1411 the king, Pa-la-mi-so-la-ta-lo-si-ni sent envoys carrying tribute. In 1412 Cheng Ho went as an envoy to their country, and in the year 1414 they sent tribute a gain.

"In the year 14.16 they sent tribute together with Kalikut and Java, and Cheng Ho was again ordered to go there.

" The soil of this country is fertile; the climate is always warm, and rice is abundant there; they make salt by boiling sea water, and wine by fermenting the sap of the coconut tree.

" The higher and lower classes are on a very intimate footing, and there are no thieves ; they are very superstitious regarding demons and spirits, making their images of fra- grant wood, and sacrificing men. to them, m order to avert calamities or to pray for happiness. "

（1）Book 325, quoted in " Notes on the Malay Archipelago " by W. P. Groeneveldt: Miscellaneous Papers relating to Indo-China, 2nd Series, Vol. I, London, 1887, p. 256. 1936) Royal Asiatic Society.

Amongst the articles which they brought as tribute were elephant-teeth, camphor baros, olibanum, lignum aloes, sandal wood, pepper, sapan-wood, and such more .... "

(The Pre-Malaccan People in A History of Pahang)

此前，彭亨自宋代海丝沿线已经是南海诸邦的海上交通要地，元明代《顺风相送》的歌诀注重以彭亨为编唱主题，华人等待季候风期间，主要聚居在北根市场区域；那个时代彭亨税收主要贸易，是转卖各种丝绸锦缎和陶瓷到邻近各国，交换香料、玳瑁、象牙等物，再运往亚洲东北各地。

至少清中叶以前，北根作为彭亨的王城首 府，继续是全国内外往来的港口，北根发生的各种变化，都能反映 整个彭亨国史的演变过程。但是，彭亨因此也在实质上很早就成为古近代全球经贸历史的一个据点，它从来都是受着全球经贸趋势演变的影响。自西方重商主义兴起注重黄金储备，再到工业革命重视锡的生产和工业上的使用，北根的国际贸易定位也会相随发生变化。这即是说，海上交通和经贸历史的变迁，是会反映在彭亨的本 土情境变迁，也会影响着接下去的情境变迁。

 ① Census of Pahang, 1891,Straits Settlement Government Gazette ,1892.Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia.p.2401

② Kalthum Jeran(ed.),op.cit.,hlm.137.

③ 刘崇汉：《独立前北根华人简史》，收录在刘崇汉主编：《彭亨华族史资料汇编》， 关丹：彭亨华团联合会，1992年，第140页。

矿业虽然在那时成了彭亨主要经济来源，许多基层采矿者是华 人，而在各地华人印象中，他们能在当地成群开矿，毕竟是得力于中国各地原来矿源丰富，使得祖辈技术经验也能传承发展，并在彭亨当地落地生根。不过，商业资本总会流向有利可图之处，如果雪柔或暹罗等地，甚至中国大陆发现矿脉，彭亨的华人矿业资本也不 一定就要钉在原来土地，和外资竞争。

1896年 3月，槟榔屿出版的 《槟城新报》报道评述“彭亨金矿以西”的成就，说当地新矿区才开始两个月，就出产了近三千两金沙，但文笔最初还是由定论大陆地区“五金矿质，甲于寰区”去说开，顺着讨论彭亨的成就，感叹清朝矿务，嗟叹中土各地不善经营矿区，多有管理不当。①

由此可见，当彭亨经济日趋发展向以矿产收入为主，大清王朝在同时间依旧地大物博，再是不济也依然尚存许多矿区，足于招商引资。那时南洋的华人知识界，批评清朝虽有矿产，管理还得学彭亨，可见清朝不可能是彭亨金属资源的主要购买者，反而南洋华人矿家可能会转回大陆寻找机会。

彭亨东面海洋不会是本邦金属经济的重要出口海域。不过，从英方的角度，西方其时重视金属储备，尤其金矿和锡矿是重要战略资源，主要又是西方需要，英国总督Frederick Weld致函给英伦的财政委员会，谈论马来亚东海岸“每年六个月被季候风封锁”，② 总督主要想着金属国际市场，就不可能像华人过去一贯的关心方向， 太去操心帆船与人员要如何在彭亨港口停泊六个月，或者何时可以借用小气候和海潮，去北边暹属诸邦或对岸加里曼丹做买卖。

Frederick Weld 的公函更热心讨论如何从彭亨建公路，接通霹雳、雪 兰莪、马六甲，尤其是彭亨北半部山地矿区，以确保每逢雨季东部海滨平原的水灾不致于影响北部矿区生产，矿区可以源源不绝把成果运往半岛西岸出口；Frederick Weld 因此还得讨论筹措大笔经费， 以维持官僚体系和军警制度，保障社会秩序，稳定和加速矿区和种 植农业运作。③

①《槟城新报》，1896年3月21日。

②Lovat, Lady Alice.,op.cit. 81

③Ibid.;pp.393-394.

直到Frederick Weld退休前夕，这位总督还在关心着彭亨，告诉他的同僚们说：“彭亨……可能比霹雳和雪兰莪都富庶，有朝一日可能实质性地补偿我们，代替我们因贸易限制而损失在西贡的那部分。在我看来，霹雳和雪兰莪应该建设起道路，去连贯着彭亨的上游流域。在马六甲也该建设铁道，经过Jelebu以及南部，直通北根。” ①

当然，后人都知道，政策结果如他所愿，具体计划却不是火车直通北根。当J. P. Rodger在1889年出任第一任参政司，英方从英国殖民部、海峡殖民地政府到参政司，显然都要追随着Frederick Weld主张矿区连接西海岸海港的建议，结果他们决定彭亨参政司首 府和政府行政都应该北上西进，直接设立在立卑大兴土木，新建各种基础设施，让彭亨矿业成果从此更快速运输至马六甲海峡北方， 直接使用槟榔屿自由港出口通往印度洋西进欧洲的航路。

1898年槟榔屿“成记”开始运作，到1908年改组为“东方熔锡”，已经是世界最大熔锡工厂，邻近各国锡苗，多是在此地提炼，铸成锡砖，供应全世界。 1889年立卑开府，也象征着彭亨本土面临西学东渐；自唐宋朝 以降，以北根为重心的古老的传统的海洋贸易历史，由此走向终结。

以后20世纪上半叶的彭亨华人历史，处于大英帝国殖民主义的全球战略当中，长期卷入在列强在亚洲争锋的旋涡，相对于中国从 晚清至民国年代的积弱，也经历着从一战到二战的民族觉醒过程， 是进入另一种局面了。

（摘自：王琛发：英属以前彭亨华人史记： 海洋经贸视域下的中外文献解读；作者简介：中国闽南师范大学“闽江学者”讲座教授；马来西亚韩江传媒大学学院中华研究院特聘教授；原載：韩大学术丛刊第一种）

正如上说，英方入主彭亨，是把英属华人视为英方利益共同体，让他们依靠帝国势力致富，也要求他们忠诚于帝国的布局。就 Huge Clifford 的立场，他也很重视引进非英属华人。

①Lovat, Lady Alice.,1914.The Life of Sir Frederick Weld, A Pioneer of Empire.London : John Murray.p.393.

②Thio,Eunice.,op.cit.,p60.

③Kalthum Jeran(ed.),op.cit.,hlm.107. 77

④Thio,Eunice.,op.cit.,pp.71-73.

Clifford在1903 年出任彭亨参政司期间，曾在美国学术期刊发表了一篇文章，把英
属马来亚的迅速繁荣归功于华人牺牲贡献。他比较英国和荷兰华工政策的差别，是说英国人要张臂欢迎更多华人住下来，让他们在当地谋取自由和财富，充分把所得运用在当地发展。①

不过，当英国官员劝告彭亨等英属联邦更多引进“华工”，那许多英方官员的实际认知，毕竟不会把入境华人和英国公民一般平等待遇，而是按照着新兴的民族国家的概念去定位那些入境者。

这意即说，他们要引进 劳动力时，并不愿把他们视为尚未“归化”的华人，视同彭亨英国子民的地位；英殖也不像早期彭亨王朝宽厚，大凡共同生活者就一 视同仁。于是英殖的实践，是把一切非英籍彭亨华人留在境外的子弟和亲友，凡是入境都先行视为“外来”，未来只能根据英方归化政策的演变，申请英属马来亚各邦英属公民权益或本土子民地位。

此时恰遇清末民族主义兴起，不论是清廷或革命党，都希望能借助南洋华人增加力量，华侨认同成为各方势力的政治资源，也是筹款来源，敌对各方不约而同都会游说当地华人，期望华民把更多关注转向中国内政。

而英方政策，也是要确立华人的身份，以他们是否能归化英国，分别对待。这既是为了防范中国影响，也要说明英属子民在地的权力；还有他们祖辈以来在英属以前的地方贡献， 也要归属于英国现在保护的范围了。

这便足以阻隔华人感受自身能在当地生活的理由。原本大家是简单地以为，自己能在此地安居， 天天晨昏都给祖先烧香，就意味着家户户的祖先也到了此地，保佑 子孙能在此开枝散叶、传宗接代；或甚至，当人人在此地组织家庭，包括有不少是异族通婚，人们也都可能意识到，本身能在当地和原乡跨境往来，经济则主要依赖当地的所有，也是得力于天命祖德的恩情眷顾，使得自己能拥有身在彭亨安居乐业的福地主权；所 以，先民在祖辈文化遗传的潜移默化下，也会凭着祖先文化和生命 传承，以自身生命交融脚下土地命脉，潜移默化自己是彭亨一份子的感觉，把自己生命经历和周围环境不感陌生的结合为家族记忆， 相互认同。

这是源自《大学》的所谓“有德此有人，有人此有土， 有土此有财”；不论去到哪里，重要在“我”如何“在”，所以都能天人合一所以也能随遇而安而建构社会，也即传统“开枝散叶” 模式的“落地生根”。但在此时，清代国族主义抬头，却是和西方殖民者将原来民众分而治之的政策，能够构成异曲同工的相互牵 引。


① Clifford,H.,1903(Sept.).Rival Systems and the Malayan Peoples.The North American Review.(177)562:406.


清代政治，各方争取南洋华人资源，主流的说法常是把中国的 积弱归咎于列强侵略，结果反而是借用西方的国族概念，把华人从 生活上本来自然而然认同自己正在开垦土地的感情，引导与转化， 让他们结合面对西方殖民者压迫的体验，偏向遥远而不曾接触的帝 王。

英殖与清廷说法在相互推动，也由此相互拉扯， 结果就造成清 末出现的各种政治宣传，以及殖民者各种政策纷纭，首先影响原来许多家族历代本来以跨境一体的整个家庭维系的生活方式，实质也动摇了大众传统的开枝散叶认知。

北根华人公山上，有块石碑的刻文写作“嘭哼华侨公山碑”，应是那之后的产物。这和当地华人在乾隆时期，在既有的“朝”的观念以外，集体出现了“大唐本头公”的“本头”观念知识，甚至也会将生活寄托对“国宝流通”的繁荣憧憬，当属两种出现落差以后的自我认知体系。

在英属马来亚的历史上，Huge Clifford 长期和彭亨苏丹磨合的过程，使得他卒之成为对方最能信任和了解的英国官员。他在 1891 年出任过代理参政司，1896年至1900年出任参政司，在 1901年至 1903 年又再度出任驻彭亨参政司。最终，他个人的公务生涯构成彭亨历史的一部分，迄今彭亨各地有好几所学校和公共空间都是以他 的名字命名。

Huge Clifford 出任参政司的年代大力提倡“引进华人”，彭亨上世纪初剧烈减少的华人人口，确有过逐渐回升趋势。可是更大趋势是许多人去了雪兰莪、霹雳和柔佛，他们在这几个邻邦寻找新的开发区。因此，本邦华人人口总数，就不可能再现 1820 年代的局 面，会是华人占总人口三分之一。

1888 年，彭亨马来人口 48,000 人、华人 1,500 人、欧洲人 15 人，原住民 10,000 人；①再到 1891 年，彭亨马来人人口51,146、欧洲人102人、原住民2,032人。


①Pahang  Annual Report, 1888.Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia. p.1195.


而华人的总数比三年前倍增，达到3241人，主要也还是分布在昔日北根以及如槟绒、林明、关丹及劳勿等矿区周遭。①

这其中，过去以来的 政治动荡，劫掠烧杀，是造成各族居民流离失所的理由。甚至在 1892年，彭亨发生Mat Kilau带领反殖斗争，在马来西亚国家历史是具有正面意义的。可是起义部队在对抗倾向英军的马来人联合部队 时，在转进Kuala Tembeling的路途上，也发生过对待平民的暴力， 有人转去华人聚落抢掠。②

根据刘崇汉《独立前北根华人简史》，北根在经历屡次的折腾之后，城镇范围虽说在进入20世纪以后有扩大也有发展，到了1911年。华裔人口仅占 3%左右。③

这位甲必丹任职至何时？但总之，在此后，随着英国对彭亨政治重组， 再到1897 年发生北根甲必丹贪污案，原任甲必丹以不名誉的刑事罪入狱三年以后，彭亨华人甲必丹的身份权威已接近尾声了。

就英方维护自身利益的角度而言，自1882年至1884年，彭亨王朝统治者数度访问新加坡，邀请愈多当地的阿拉伯、欧洲和华裔资金，英方也就会愈加关注彭亨，担心未来是否可能影响英国的利益。

Clifford 最初到彭亨，除了见到华人和阿拉伯人传统以来就在北根和邻近生活，做着各种生意，他从观察欧洲商人得出的结论是说：由于英国政府无从节制和协调彭亨政治，许多欧洲人正在趁此机会，沿着彭亨河岸圈地。而且，许多商人都是不必考虑本身资金，只在彭亨北方圈了块地，就向伦敦、香港和澳洲等地招股集资。

①Bujong Bin Adil.,op.cit,hlm.264-265.

②Bujong Bin Adil.,op.cit,hlm.265-267. 75

③Linehan .W.,op.cit.,p.121.

自从外人圈地，原来的马来领主和头目们，包括他们的华人朋友，原本在自身辖地合作开矿的土地权益被忽视了，那些马来人乡 村矿区，特别是规模虽小而历史悠久的华人矿区，都被迫停止了。① 彭亨发生的一切，固然可说明Ahmad苏丹的年代，不少英属或非英属华人，已经频繁来往北根与新加坡海路，英国更是视为息息相关殖民地利益。

Clifford游说苏丹的重点也是以维护彭亨安全为由。他指出，眼下彭亨既缺乏完善法律，又缺乏强大军事力量自卫，一旦彭亨境内外发生外人骚乱，或者彭亨的经济利益引起外敌眼红，都势必连带影响英帝国的海峡殖民地；可是，他也警告，英 方和彭亨没有盟约，一旦彭亨发生状况，英国找不着理由支援彭亨。②

而Goh Hui的事件，却触动了新加坡新总督金文泰（Cecil Clementi Smith）的敏感。金文泰最初是致函彭亨，要求苏丹释放死者遗孀，让她平安回到新加坡；③ 而他接下去还是继续借用此事，亲自访问北根，要彭亨交出凶手和赔偿，并要求彭亨接受英方派驻参政司，谈判破裂以后便立即报告伦敦，准备战舰北上，北根民众也陷入恐慌，纷纷准备逃亡行李。④

后来的证据显示，金文泰总督为了彭亨的事件，写信给伦敦的殖民部总管，表明的自身立场，是要保障英国需要广阔的商业利益空间，所以要彭亨归属在内。他因此是毫不犹豫宣扬华人被杀害， 以确保英国公民进入彭亨当地的生命和财富，由此亦意图促使彭亨接受他的建议，要把英属管理视为更优秀的统治方式。⑤

① Cant, R.G.,op.cit., p.27.
② Thio,Eunice.,op.cit,p.63.
③ Ibid.,p.70.
④ Bujong Bin Adil.,op.cit.,hlm.269-274.
⑤ Bujong Bin Adil.,op.cit,hlm.272.

要是阅读前 一位总督Frederick Weld先前在1887年写给英殖财政委员会的信件， 可以发现总督称赞Clifford的功劳，重点在说明彭亨有利英国的优势，胜在比霹雳的土地更辽阔，尚且是农矿资源富庶；而且，他是结合着地缘政治的博弈理念去说，认为Clifford促成此次缔约成功， 是有利英国接通马来亚半岛南部，把马来亚由西到东都纳入势力范 围，阻止暹罗想要成为插手成为马来诸邦的宗主国。①

当然，这之前，原本有传闻说法国人访问了彭亨苏丹，更是英国不乐意见到的事。② 只是，这一来，当英国一贯企图在彭亨利益最大化，一直声称 彭亨土地的一些华人是“属于”大英帝国，华人被固化为“外来移民”的印象，从而作为英方干涉彭亨理由，无形中也会殃及池鱼， 让“华人”一再成为争议概念。

另一方面，自从英国和彭亨签下保 护国协议，英方承认彭亨国的苏丹地位，再到1888年英方进一步成功 压迫彭亨接受参政司入驻，更规定包括英属华人在内的英国子民在彭亨的优先权利，当地的非英属华人，亲友同聚一堂，有的是英属子民、有彭亨子民，也有的是初到贵境，更加面临身份定位的尴尬。 后来许多文字谈及今日马来西亚“彭亨州”历史，常有些是从表面因果关系说事，都说英国人由于英属华商被杀，全盘插手彭亨内政。

其中一些非中文的简化叙述，甚至可能造成错觉，让读者看不到历代先民熟悉彭亨海陆，世代延续多民族同聚共存；而依靠着片面感觉英殖和华人先辈关系，便以为各地华人源于英殖引进，协助推进着殖民扩展进程。

《彭亨纪年》对 Goh Hui 的事件，保留了 “我方”立场的说辞，表明死者并非新加坡商人，而是直接从中国 下南洋居住下来的彭亨子民，是跌倒地上撞中石头导致的死亡，但是被 Clifford 当成另一回事。③

可是，英国人的借题发挥，有备无 患。在历史上，事件最终结局于柔佛苏丹自愿替双方斡旋，保护民 众幸免于英军炮火；苏丹Ahmad最终也接受了英方的条件，接受英 属军警入驻，以及接受英方参政司在10月以后入驻北根，后来英国 第一任驻彭亨参政司 J. P. Rodger，在新加坡政府一番准备工作就绪 以后，是在1889年7月方才到达彭亨上任。④

特别是英国和彭亨在1887年底的双边协议，更是改变彭亨传统土地利益分配方式，保障着英属公司的机会，从插手彭亨朝野农矿业关系谋利。这其中第六项明文规定：彭亨不能随意要授权或者割让土地给任何人，包括非英籍华人或马来人；只要接受者不是英属公民或英属公司，都得预先知会英女皇阁下的政府，不能没有后者 同意。①

这样一来，世代居住在彭亨的华人和马来人，包括当地甲必丹要像过去那样召集众头家到立卑投资，还有作为其上司的马来领 主或地方头目，要自行委托属意的本地亲友开矿，都已经不可能。 他们过去是资金能力是无从抗衡英方资本，后来却是在自家熟悉地 区发现矿苗，也必须尊重对方的主导。英属资本的做法，正如上述 《槟城新报》所言，新的局面是外资取下土地使用权，再把大片土地分割成十几片，成为各别选择的区域，每片各让十几家本地公司竞投，外资再考虑得标者。

总之，当地华人或马来人想继续采矿谋 生，不能再像过去直接合作马来领主、头目甚至苏丹；他们只要没有英属公民资格，就只能向这些圈地的英殖企业缴费。这些矿区企 业大地主于是可以凌驾真正承担采矿的本地公司，依靠抽成赚利， 包括赚取本身先前缴费给彭亨政府的差额。 理论上，英属时代有更多外企进入彭亨圈地，确实是彭亨经济 保障。由企业承诺政府，他们乐意承担投资风险，意味着不管采矿 者有否成绩，企业也得首先拿出现款去保障彭亨政府预先收益。


①Linehan, W.,op.cit., p.120.

可是，商人讲究实际，事先要有把握，才会乐意付出少量资金去冒险，等待采矿者的劳动成果。换言之，他们是预算着承担得起的风险，试图翻手就转嫁风险给只能作为承包商的华人或马来人民族资 本，由此可能获得原来投资额数倍甚至数十倍盈利。何况，真正承担采矿成本的，依然是矿户集体。

所以，1880年代中叶到1910年， 即使境内战乱减少，华人采矿人口不见增长，殖民地合约的背景，以及制度操作的结果，都可能是内在因素之一。这很值得将来进一 步探讨的。 另一方面，英国在1887年签下彭亨协议前后，不止一次关注彭亨治安，以英属公民或其他人在彭亨走失或受害，压迫彭亨接受英方建议改革政经体系。英国殖民政府除了在最早一次是借口英属阿 拉伯人在彭亨遭人谋害，进行交涉；以后接下去数次，都是以英属华人受害为理由，一再以英属公民在彭亨受到压迫或杀害，逼迫彭亨接受英方派驻参政司，连同英方其他官员和军警也要进场长驻彭亨。

这其中，1886年，时任新加坡总督Frederick Weld在6月访问彭亨，游说苏丹接受英国派驻参政司徒劳无功，之后便曾报告伦敦殖民部门，说有位华人Yeo Pan的妻子自1884年被彭亨统治者扣留， 孩子也受虐待身亡；而统治者流亡在新加坡的弟弟也曾就此事回应 总督，说许多王公大臣都不满其兄，只要英国支持他能回朝当政， 他就会接受英国委派参政司。当时瑞天咸正在伦敦休假，他在听闻 此事以后，连忙提醒殖民部说，这名女子是在彭亨出生，丈夫是源 自华南地区，在当地住了下来，所以夫妇两人都不是英属华人；再 加上彭亨人经常不把这类事情看在眼里，民众不解英方举动，会视 为小题大做，所以建议英政府再等待其他时机。英政府还是接纳了 瑞天咸的意见，建议海峡殖民地总督，不妨继续采取温和路线，游 说彭亨签订协议。①

等到Frederick Weld翌年1月份派遣Huge Clifford前往彭亨，后 者在4月带回来好消息，说彭亨愿意签订合作协议，总督也就打消 考虑再用强硬手段。以后1887年底签订双边协议，Huge Clifford出 任了新职，成为第一位驻彭亨官员，但那时他的地位是以类似外交 领事人员身份出任驻彭代办（Agent）。①

① Bujong Bin Adil.,op.cit,hlm.242-243.

英国驻彭亨新代办 Huge Clifford 驻守在北根不久，很快就发现 英国有理由要进一步干涉彭亨内政。第一件事是华人盐商Su Kim生 前欠下贵族大臣和苏丹二千五百元债务，死后万元家产受到充公， Clifford 代表家属斡旋，表示家属愿意偿还现款，苏丹却拿出死者遗书，说死者本就委托苏丹处理遗产，并告诉Clifford数目不够还债。

第二件事，肇源于1888年 2月，英属华商 Goh Hui在王宫附近遇刺，凶手遗留下北根专有的马来剑款式，连带坊间后来出现谣言， 说是苏丹看上对方妻子。当英国代办不接受彭亨国务大臣解释这可能是闹鬼，苏丹面对英方要求悬赏抓凶，贴布告却不愿盖章，双方接着就因 Goh Hui 夫妇把财产交给英国代办托管，连接着代办要安 排彼等回去新加坡，也要求苏丹尽速实行英方草拟的新法律，发生冲突；最终苏丹极力强调自身的统治权力，而想要向英方毁约，又 在 Goh Hui 去世后要求遗孀赔偿母亲欠款才能出境，发展至将死者遗孀拘禁在甲必丹家里。②

而 Clifford 印象深刻的，是甲必丹的态度。此前，当他去甲必丹家里通知 Goh Hui 死讯，发现甲必丹正忙着陪国务大臣和王弟赌博；之后，他也接到死者遗孀通知，苏丹打算把她转移到甲必丹家中，但那是个没有其他女性的地方。③

由于无从知晓郑昌俊甲必丹真正上任和卸任年代，也未能确定其前任是谁，因此很难确定Clifford所说的北根甲必丹是哪一位甲必丹？这位甲必丹任职至何时？

三十年前，马来西亚华人大会堂总会和马华文化协会等机构“马来西亚华人历史调查计划”，笔者有幸赴彭亨首府关丹，以副主任身份出席说明会，还遇见民众出示收藏的锡钱。因为有人藏在家里，因此迄今可见这类锡钱出现在国际古币市场。

 现在国际古币市场所见的敦阿里年代的锡锭，其具体的帽子造型，中间是上小下宽的中空方块，四边平面边框其中一边开个小孔，方便使用者重叠着绑起来收藏。这种造型，也确保了合法锡锭 只能是开模铸造，以统一形状、大小、重量、花纹，确保任何手工 仿造都难以代替，亦无从匹比成本。现在古币市场里头，某些锡帽顶部平面印着“有利公司”字样，可能就是敦阿里年代其中一个承担铸造的单位。 另外，古币市场也常见小圆片的锡钱，其不同时期钱币文字， 可能反映当时历史背景。

例如，彭亨流行过一种“公合利记”，应属敦阿里执政初期的锡钱，背面即模仿清朝铜钱的铸了满文，表达 这确实是对外使用的流通币。“国宝流通”当中，有背面作“两成 孔方”的，也表明发行这种锡钱真是作“孔方”用。而总结现在拍卖市场所见，“国宝流通”背面公司名称不同，有铸着“铨成公 司”、“和记”、“秉记”、“千顺”等名称，也有铸上祝福大众的“万事遂愿”等，可见早期华人有不同的开矿公司，大家都能意识彭亨邦国是彼此的生活经济共同体，铸币则各有所属。有意思的是，其中有种“成发房哼”，用潮州语音唸这“房哼”两字，就是即“彭亨”。这证明当地潮州商人在19世纪也是很有发展，所以有发行锡币的需要。

再举个例子说，在光绪三十年（1904 年）正月十六日前后，槟榔屿《槟城新报》连续几天出现一位“彭亨司理人先胜洗”刊登的 启事，声称“本公司欲招华工二千名，到彭亨的新班买怜矿地大小弗郎或机器开矿，任意选择地方，开锡苗每公斤公司抽栖十五斤。 71 海洋经贸视域下的中外文献解读 72 凡欲承办者，可写信交公司理人先胜洗便妥。”①

根据这启事，可知 彭亨1904年还是实行着Huge Clifford昔日在立卑谈判出来的制度。 矿区开矿，客观上就是深入山水森林去开荒，所以大众都要有武装，才能预防猛兽和外敌，保护共同谋生。此前矿区的经营，通常是由马来贵族、华人甲必丹或其他有影响力者出面，申请圈地以后，再招股组成“头家”集团负责投资设施；再有矿区里的矿户， 则往往是头家们作为“东家”，呼朋唤友找来的“西家”个体户。 “西家”能以采矿多劳多得，“东家”投资者方才由“西家”个人 所得抽取固定百分比作为投资回酬，同时替众人缴贡给王国和领 主。

由东西家一直到各矿户，是同乡、亲友、结义的关系，日常人 人不离武装，相互保护为生存需要，这种情境下共同生活，是较易 凝聚集体认同，巩固社会关系和秩序；以后大众都能收入增加、组织家庭，开拓区也在扩大中，大众就会一再循环着呼朋唤友，人口 愈来愈多，也就催动着矿区聚落演变至市镇的成形。所以，华人原 来使用的“公司”制度，原来按字面说文解字，即是“公众”所拥 有的“公共部门”。②

至今南洋闽粤方言日常生活使用着“公司”两 字，也常会用作形容动词，比如两人以上的互动，常有说彼此是在 “公司”着一事或一物，即意味着他们的关系是“共同拥有”或“共 同分享”。不过，1880年代以后的彭亨，这种传统模式面临冲击。 探地采矿，本有一定风险。在矿区，一旦大范围的搭建好一切设备，也不可能肯定处处泥土下边都会有矿苗。华人原有那套传统 的“公司”概念，便是矿户各别去承担得失风险，而抽成的一方则 负担其基本吃住。

像上述《槟城新报》出现的启事，说要找人承办 两千人的矿区，让采矿者选择各自区域，最后是洋人企业强调要抽 取产量的15%为利，这很明白不是一种薪金制度，当然更不可能是 有人乐意根据此一制度去承担“卖猪仔”的成本风险，招募来两千 人，接下去还得包办劳工数年吃住。这意味着，自1885年立卑华人 甲必丹经营的“公司”面临洋人企业“公司”冲突，Clifford介入斡旋以后，某种新的模式在当地逐渐演变成型。

① 《槟城新报》，1904年3月2日。

② 王琛发：《17—19世纪南海华人社会与南洋的开拓华人 南洋开拓 史另类视 角的解读 》，载《福州大学学报》（社会科学版）2016年第4期，第69页。

原本，华人或马来人矿场本来拥有共过享成果的分账传统，是东家有钱出钱，配合西家有力出力；可是，相比之下，后来欧人或新加坡英属华人/马来人公司的大规模圈地，却是公司得要事先缴纳一大笔钱财给政府，取得授权后，再找其他人开矿和承担风险。

上述《槟城新报》可证明其方法大致是以招标方式，寻找华人成为分散承担各处至今的承包 商，由此把风险转让华人采矿集团承担，同时继续从矿户劳动成果抽成。同时，上述《槟城新报》又可证明，到1904年，这类企业向华人矿户“抽栖”（抽税）的要求，已经涨至15%。

当然，关丹的崛起，主要是英国将彭亨纳为受保护属邦以后，发展关丹成为行政中心。不过，在这时候，宋代以来华人帆船来往彭亨港口的局面，尚有余韵。直至殖民时代后期，中式帆船相比西式轮船，前者的渡海成本依然相较便宜，所以一般先民从潮州下南洋，也有许多人继续 选择古近代称为“洋船”的中程帆船。1996年，北根潮州会馆创办人兼当时列圣宫主席黄盛伟，七十六岁逝世前接受过访问，说他在 年轻时也是乘坐大帆船下南洋，抵达北根。③

而越到后来，北根民众还是能继续见着有好些帆船停泊在沿岸海域，等待接驳船上货下货，但这些“大帆船”其实主要都是短程帆船，只做来往新加坡短途运输，主要是从新加坡运输货物到北根，然后会走近海和河道为主，开往关丹、文德甲、淡马鲁及而连突等地；帆船来回各地卸货 和收货，也会把北根商人在港口邻近的各处渔村收购鱼获和海产， 制作成咸鱼等产品，外销其他地区。①

① Cant, R.G. 1973. An Historical Geography of Pahang.Monograph of the Malaysian Branch Royal Asiatic Society. Singapore: Times Printers Sdn. Bhd.p.30.

② Mahmud Mat., 1997.Tinggal Kenangan: The Memoirs of Dato’Sir Mahmud bin Mat.Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. hlm. 50-51.

 ③ 夏观明报道：《庙宇随时建,古迹不常有：让伯公庙留下来》，载马来西亚《星洲日 报》（东海岸分刊），1996年3月29日。


拿督Mahmud bin Mat在马来西亚历史上，是少数接受英皇封赐爵士勋衔的马来官员。他在彭亨英属年代，自1948年至1951年担任过彭亨第一任总理大臣（Menteri Besar），即现在一般中文翻译的 “州务大臣”。依据这位前辈撰写的回忆录，彭亨一直到上世纪初，内外交通主要还是依靠华人舯舡，这些舯舡需要的人手不多， 船工的职业空间有限，他们来回于彭亨河上下游，在北根和立卑之间载人载货，都是以海峡殖民地银元计算工资，每月工资大约是10-12银元。②

这些华人舯舡在彭亨河航行，依然得要考虑季候风影响。 一般北根和立卑之间的航程本来只要花六星期，一旦进入10月至12 月的雨季，各处都会例常发生水患，河道水流急瑞、航程就可能是耗时整整两个月。 无论如何，彭亨在英属前的历史材料确实不很完整。

民众自过去以来有太多生活经验，社会日常活动包括了大众太熟悉的许多细节，多姿多彩，大部分人都不会想过要留下白纸黑字。现在要重建彭亨古近代社会生活的知识，还得整合多方面的零星线索。

所以， 像上述拿督 Mahmud bin Mat 留下的口述历史，确可补充不足。另外，综合各方面史料，再作排比对照，亦有助更多考察许多细节和相互关系，回溯当时人事情景，从思考社会生活的逻辑重现历史面 貌。

由此而言，古代文献，不论汉文、梵文、巴利文、阿拉伯文、 葡萄牙文、荷兰文、英文、法文等文献，只要书写绘画在纸张、 布、皮书或者碑铭雕刻上边，包括当代中国重视的域外汉文献，都能是史料；西方殖民者统治时期的官员商贾，或各族地方遗老口述纪录，也是史料。

现在彭亨华人在日常的生活方式、社会习俗，以及 方言词汇，有不少历代传承的内容，亦是可印证过去历史的线索。 就像 Linehan 说过，Sultan Ahmad 年代，彭亨出现圆片形状锡钱，上边铸着中文公司名称，另外又有马来文和阿拉伯文说明文字。

①刘崇汉：《独立前北根华人简史》，收录在刘崇汉主编：《彭亨华族史资料汇编》， 关丹：彭亨华团联合会，1992年，第140页。

②Ibid.,4-5. 海洋经贸视域下的中外文献解读，可见当时彭亨内部，某些华人公司的信用，是有能力发行代 币，以公司名义担保锡钱兑换货币的价值，确保可以使用在许多小宗买卖交易。

可是，Linehan描述说这种锡钱大体上是赌场发行小额筹码，以代替锡锭笨重而且面值大的不便，可以方便大众分散使用 在小额赌注，他的说法就未必完整。①

按照上几代老华人的生活常 识，18世纪以至20世纪初期，这种锡币在暹罗、婆罗洲、马来亚半 岛、印度尼西亚等地并不罕见。相反的，大凡矿区的规模较大而人 数众多，“公司”或公共组织主导集体开矿，常有发行自己的锡钱。

在彭亨矿区，常见各公司一致发行的一种锡钱，是如清朝铜钱 一般大小，前边铸着“国宝流通”，后边铸上公司名称，中间也如明清铜钱开个方孔，方便大众以绳线串起绑带在身上，不论去到矿区、邻近各族聚落，以及港口商铺，都能日常消费，也方便相互找 换。而个人拥有的锡钱，收集在一起，亦可以兑换等值的银元。

这 些锡币都是以有价值的金属铸造，又都是模仿清朝日常流通的铜钱模样，上边再以公司印记作承诺；所有锡币统一表达本身市场信 用，就在铸造时其中一面是“国宝流通”四个字。如此，既说本币亦属彭亨邦国财政体系，地位是“国宝流通”，并且具有相对于银 元的具体兑换率，锡钱当然不可能只是用作赌博筹码。而锡钱的文 字，亦足可反映农矿开拓群体的集体意识，早就兼有“彭亨国”以及在地“公司”的落地概念。

图6：圆片形状锡钱 ① Linehan, W.,op.cit., p.239. 彭亨的锡钱，一直流行到上世纪初。二战以后，不论在彭亨或 甚至邻邦柔佛，有些人家自先辈便来往矿区做生意的，家里可能还 会存着几枚“国宝流通”锡钱。

那家新企业其实就是在1885 年，也就是瑞天咸到访的那一年，4月27日获得王宫的授权书。而 Huge Clifford为着斡旋此事，约见欧人企业经理之前，当地的数百华人和马来村民，愤恨生计遭受剥夺，已经计划着攻打欧人办事处，只是立卑领主正在极力劝阻。但欧人预想着统治者山高皇帝远，企业也就不必在意村民意见，所以见着Huge Clifford，只说愿意雇佣留在原矿区的华人矿户。

最终，Huge Clifford谈判还是有较好的结果，是华人和马来人矿区可以继续经营，只是他们原来要贡献给苏丹代理人百分之十的收成，以后要改交给这家企业。① 1888年，Huge Clifford正式成为英国驻彭亨代办，在他的任期间，那些到彭亨圈地的欧人企业正在面临过去制造的后果，境内已经很难找到华人劳动力。Huge Clifford这位英殖驻彭亨代办，职务类似紧邻国家驻彭领事，在扮演着“劝请”苏丹的角色，过程中亲自见证着当地矿工短缺，还有稻米歉收等灾难，目睹着穷困民众被 迫把自家耕田的水牛贩卖去邻邦雪兰莪的巴生（Kelang）；而Huge Clifford这时更明显的发现，那时很少华人愿意继续留在彭亨，他只 能想好如何说服苏丹实施各种政策，吸引更多华人到彭亨住下来安 居乐业。②

不能否认的是，整个19世纪，彭亨地方华人社会主要依赖农矿业经济。他们的收入起起落落，主要还得根据国际原产品市场需 求。一旦彭亨境内华人觉得生活不下去，在彭亨讨生活越来越难， 而邻近区域的社会经济面貌又是可供比较，彭亨华人社会就可能发 生大量人口流失，集体力量也会变得势单力薄，内部社会风气更是 涣散，文化水平低落。如此背景，甲必丹的素质和社会地位，亦可能大不如前。郑昌俊甲必丹逝世后三年，自英方参与整改彭亨内政，北根的甲必丹剩下的权限似乎就只能处理本镇的事务。

① Linehan, W.,op.cit., p.110.

② Linehan, W.,op.cit., p.123.

1897 年 9 月 27 日，《槟城新报》报道：“华籍商人某，係彭亨属北矸之甲必丹也，风闻日前该处参政司判定监禁三年；又闻甲必丹所以被禁之故，厥有三款：一因受贿，一因勒索，一因吓诈云。”①这位甲必丹似乎也没有按照传统处理，不见入祀列圣宫接受公众祭祀。

七、19世纪末

英方介入以后有待重构的历史叙述古近代彭亨国华人的历史生态，不论衣食住行，端赖着海上帆船交通，又是要接受着季候风的制约。彭亨华人历史，也正如南洋许多地方的华人史，是不能简单而粗暴的预设认知，以为先辈主要是受着殖民政策干预，被他人“卖猪仔”下南洋。彭亨自唐宋元明，位处南海航路“海中”的位置，随着海上交通频密，就是帆船顺着季风停驻聚居的选地。

当华人帆船根据季候风航行，彭亨历代国主，也不可能不重视邦国优势，经营彭亨河相连海洋的岸外水 域，造就西洋中途贸易枢纽。人们到达北根，是既可以从陆路往西 到达马六甲海峡东岸，也可以沿海北上南下，或跨海往现在的菲律宾南部、加里曼丹，还有爪哇等地。由此亦促进当地航海华商为主的聚落，大众年年长住在彭亨半年有加，期间来往邻近海域诸地交易产品。

彭亨华人历朝早在北根和内陆聚族而居，在当地形成本身聚落社会，又和其他族群多元共生，也就并不足奇。所以历朝以来，一代接一代人上岸彭亨，其实都不是对当地空白无知，而是根据祖辈传承的航路与生活知识，融入历代先行者留下的聚落、社会与周遭联系；这里每家都可能有几个“蕃仔”，是少小送去潮州或揭阳私塾上学，长大又回到立卑或槟绒看顾生意，到了北根公共场 所就会参与大众祭祀“大唐本头公”，日常在家中则天天朝夕膜拜 “唐蕃地主财神”。

甚至来来去去的人，都可能要协助两边的亲友传口信，包括带口讯给终老于华东南地区的“蕃婆”祖母。 根据Clifford的记忆，华人一直到下世纪初期，还有人在使用马 来世界常见的窄体长条船，雇佣苏门答腊人与吉兰丹人为他们划 ①《槟城新报》，1897年9月27日。 67 海洋经贸视域下的中外文献解读 68 船；可是那时欧人入主的矿区，已经使用蒸汽发动的浅水航行船， 来往于槟绒和港口之间；而在彭亨河下游，则依然流行短程出行不划舢舨，而是划竹筏。

这些人工绑札的竹筏，很方便载人载物，但是在彭河上游罕见有人使用，通常都是4英尺宽而长约20英尺，出行任务完成后，又可以拆开还原成一根根分散的竹杆，在市场售卖。①

要等到上个世纪最初二十年间，海上蒸汽轮船越趋普遍，新加 坡势成新的集散港口，北根方才完全失去元明犹能保持的盛况，再难成就南海中途贸易枢纽。可是那时市镇岸外的海上，虽然不再停泊太多帆船，河上还是有许多舢舨和舯舡，延续19世纪以前的情景，继续衔接着河口与海上的接驳运输。

尤其在汽船和陆路交通还不很发达的年代，彭亨境内各地延续着传统的水上交通，依旧左右 着地方民众生活的出行方式。正如拿督Mahmud bin Mat后来的回忆，在上世纪以前，彭亨有很多人家是居住在靠近河边或沼泽附近，其中有些住家是准备了自家的家庭用船，不过，当他全家在 1907年用家里的船送他出门到外地唸书时，当时川行新加坡与彭亨的载人蒸汽轮船，不是川行北根，而是来往着关丹。②

1865 年，英国曾经派遣两艘战舰巡弋彭亨外沿列岛，说是有英籍华人到其中一座岛上伐木，惨遭抢劫杀害；而当时统治者 Ahmad 面对英方气势汹汹，明知这是彭柔领土争议地带，也不做激烈回应；他反而机智咬定凶手是非法潜入的柔佛子民，推卸掉彭亨责任，也欢迎英军周游列岛搜寻犯人，借机暗示彭亨拥有这列岛主权。③

①Clifford, H. 1897 (1903, reprinted).In Court and Kampong. London: Grant Richard. pp.225.

② Ibid.,pp. 210-229. 63

③ Winstedt. R. Oop. cit., p.108.


再到 1874 年，英方再以一名柔佛村长在兴楼河遇害， 怀疑彭亨统治阶层教唆杀人，把追究规格提升至英督登陆北根，以 访彭名义兴师问罪；但后来彭英双方同意组成调查团，英方调查官员反而出乎总督的意料之外 。①

新加坡总督留下 的文字有说，此时彭亨在新加坡的首要代表，是一名华人。英督也 说，他发现彭亨统治者通过写信给华人首要代表，一方面是要嘲笑英方总会捕风捉影，另一边却是趁机示好，演变成向新加坡招商引资，说明彭亨会听取英督建议，以优渥条件对外开放，保护外人入 境生命财产，同时彭亨提出愿意出高薪，要从新加坡引进两百名华人采矿者。②

可是，那时一些英殖官员轮番观察彭亨，发现这期间彭亨大幅度增加征税，才是构成境内华人大量流失的内在原因。当地矿工大 凡西进霹雳和雪兰莪两邦，能有当地联系，都设法会留在新地方聚 会同乡亲友，共同开发新矿区。而彭亨自1880年，本来正和邻近 Jelebu发生领土争议，Ahmad那时处理王位传承更倾向子传父业， 也造成原本一直以继承人身份追随在他身边的弟弟，心怀不忿，双方支持势力一度交战；不过Ahmad这时确实也在引进欧资，还有新加坡华人资金，在国内圈地开矿。③

可是在新加坡邻近水域，太多其他欧洲人物出现在彭亨，而彭亨不受英国协调，对英国未必是好事。在这背景下，英国海峡殖民地总督Frederick Weld在1885年发函给英属霹雳王国代理参政司瑞天咸（Frank Swettenham），要求瑞天咸访问彭亨，就不只是为了一探虚实，而且是希望能游说苏丹， 确保彭亨政治有利英国的亚洲海域布局。 瑞天咸既然在霹雳王国服务英女皇政府，行程以考察彭亨内陆为目的，所以瑞天咸就不必从马六甲海峡南下新加坡再北上北根。

他是由霹雳的巴都雅也（Batu Gajah）出发，翻山越境走入立卑的槟绒，成为第一位从霹雳山路越境彭亨的英国人，再一路走向日赖等地，也一路上考察民情和物价，以后再顺着彭亨河顺流行船，直抵北根，包括在彭亨河口探访Pulau Tawar和淡马鲁（Temerloh）之间 华人甘蔗糖工坊。④

① Parkinson, N., 1964. British Intervention in Malaya:1867-1877.Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press,1964.pp.187-188.

② Ibid.,p.188.

③ Thio,Eunice.,1957.The Extension of British Control in Pahang.Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society,30(1),pp.51-52.

④ Swettenham,Frank. A., 1885. Journal kept during a Journey across the Malay Peninsular.

瑞天咸之前，英国地理学者D. D.Daly也曾在数年前带领一支勘察队伍，从森美兰王国入境，经历崎岖山路，一路走到北根；不过 彭亨统治者Ahmad接待过这些人以后，并不乐意让他们知悉金矿区的确切地点。①

按瑞天咸记载，他在到达立卑时获悉，只要再步行约一小时，就能抵达附近的日赖老金矿区。②

而瑞天咸经过此行，显然更关注彭亨的经济局势。他意识到北根距离矿区较远，又得继续从港口经济抽税去支撑王城，结果是会造成各种物品价格失衡，剧烈影响民生。瑞天咸后来的北根观察报告，即以彭亨面临长期内耗，建议英方尽快介入彭亨，协助改革制度。瑞天咸指出，这里马 来人大多很贫穷，华人矿户也只有约百余人，但偏偏在立卑等地， 民众不论购买必需品或奢侈品，产品都是事先征收高税，首先落入北根的华人手上，再由这些华人随意定价出售。③

可是矿镇华人有矿镇华人的苦衷，他们告诉瑞天咸，任何人到当地开采黄金，都可能被他人以各种理由掠夺一空；而华人则是由于民众缺乏开矿经费， 加上认定体制不够公道，没有多少人愿意留下来生活。④

 英方根据瑞天咸等人入彭摸底的报告，更积极提出要介入彭亨内政，要求确保当地的政策、法治、军事安全，其建议看来都是堂皇有理的。此时英国已经殖民槟城、新加坡和马六甲，霹雳和雪兰莪又是英属保护国，彭亨作为不论海上或陆上的邻居，原产品也多从英方港口转向西方；所以英方对于彭亨的设想，是不管彭亨发生 任何变化，理所当然是可能损害双方共同利益。

更何况，当时彭亨境内许多投资项目，都是源自新加坡，英方有责任保护殖民地居民 的利益。瑞天咸还说了，地方缺乏治理，已经导致各族居民难以在本来富庶的土地上维生，他举出劳勿一位马来贵族苦苦支撑金矿为例，指出由于矿场缺乏资金，矿区就只有约二十名华人矿户继续工 作，时作时停，有时是常年累月在停产。

⑤ Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society (15):1-38.

 ① Daly, D. D.,1882. Survey and Explorations in the Native States of Malayan Peninsula, 1875-1882. Geographical Journal, London. (4):401.

② Swettenham, Frank. A., op.cit., p.16.

③Ibid.,pp.9-10.

④Ibid.,pp.16. 65

⑤Ibid. 瑞天咸访问彭亨不两年，到了1887年，彭亨其实变化更大。上文说过，Huge Clifford在1887年2月访问彭亨，曾经遇着立卑领主投诉，说有家欧人和马来贵族合作的新企业，利用宫中书写授权书 有模糊之处，自行解释其中不够详尽的内容，强行侵占槟绒华人甲必丹连同日赖王侯亲友在当地的矿区。

这段记载其实能反映北根华人在动乱时代的势单力薄，以及 交战各方也意识到华人对经济稳定的作用。《彭亨纪年》的作者会以膜拜“大伯公”形容华人商民的诚惶诚恐，可见北根华人围绕着 “列圣宫”作为信仰和社会中心，很早就是马来民众熟悉的生活印 象。

那些华人甲必丹，他们在掌权者底下维续商贸过活，其实都是缺乏实力和话语，无从有足够实力应对武装干戈；而新政权在攻入城中以后，其实也是理解这些华人区居民的状况，视为只是为了谋生的无辜百姓，应受宽待。

现在要论19世纪彭亨北根这些已知的各位华人甲必丹的任期， 不论根据1970年代傅吾康、陈铁凡《马来西亚华文铭刻萃编》提及的生卒年代，或者是再加上2020年出土的墓碑文字，还是会有一定难度。


除了黄学科是肯定去世于敦阿里时代，其他甲必丹都可能属于敦阿里、Mutahir和Ahmad父子三人之间任何一位的执政年代。再 到了英国人在 1887 年底把彭亨纳入英属，自郑昌俊甲必丹去世以后，一直到20世纪前夕，北根仍然长期实行甲必丹制度。 彭亨历史上，Ahmad自1863年战胜兄长，他在接下去半个世纪的统治，展现出的政治优势，是善于积极调解许多过去恩怨。他首先宽赦敌对派系的先父臣子和亲友们，并迎娶敌对的堂兄弟的姐妹。

再到1870年代，Mutahir两个儿子一再谋叛后逃亡至雪兰莪，在当地遭遇地方土侯打击，Ahmad 不止是原谅了侄儿以及接应他们回归彭亨，他尚且承诺侄儿，挥兵参与雪兰莪内战，支持当年收留保护其侄儿的一方。邻国柔佛统治者原本是Mutahir的女婿，支持过岳父对付Ahmad，双方还在刁曼岛等处领土纠纷，可是等到柔佛1868年将各岛领土划归彭亨，两人怀念亲戚往来，又是长期声气互通。

①Ibid.,

1882年，Ahmad听从了柔佛国主建议，以廖内王朝业已遭受荷兰殖民瓦解，彭亨无从继续奉廖内为正朔，于是接受各地领主拥立彭亨苏丹王朝。再后来，Sultan Ahmad又是由柔佛协助和斡旋，谈判接受英政府成为保护国的条约。自Sultan Ahmad引入现代法治观念， 一直到他1914年离开人世，马来各邦的发展和对话，确有助各邦后来组成马来亚联合邦，亦是当代马来西亚立国的基础。

彭亨华人1860-1870年代记录固然稀少，可是此时彭亨历史重要大事，都是围绕着消弭战乱的和解，以后又演变至挥兵义助雪兰莪战争；因此，列圣宫的“德泽流芳”牌匾，作为Sultan Ahmad在那年代肯定彭亨华人的象征物，历史意义相当重要。彭亨联军于1873 年11月入住雪兰莪港口（Kuala Selangor），宣布战事基本进入尾声，列圣宫也在1874年清明节奉获国主嘉奖，在清明节期间，为了华人能贯彻彼等祀奉“大唐本头公”的精神，送上了“德泽流芳” 匾额。

这当然不是无缘无故，更不能说是时间上的巧合。 彭亨王国在1872至1874年参与雪兰莪内战，Ahmad亲自带领各地领主和头目从雪兰莪东北方入境，占领过现在的甲洞 （Kepong）等地区，当时一再动用各地华人协同作战，是否曾经动用全部彭亨日赖、立卑、劳勿等地开矿群体，抑或只是要求矿区和港口华人在后方支持生产和贸易，难以确定。


而比较清楚的记录， 是说彭亨部队包围吉隆坡期间，动用过雪兰莪叶亚来甲必丹的联 军，攻打间征（Kanching）战役更是借助叶亚来属下Ah Chin的七十 名华人竹筒火箭射手；而彭军行军路线，都是沿陆路和河道西进， 或者借道柔佛再以海路北上，彭亨的文冬（Bentong）或者雪兰莪的甲洞（Kepong）、莪唛（Gombak）和巴生（Kelang），还有霹雳王国的士林河（Slim）等战区，都是牵涉着彭雪两邦华人大面积的矿区和经济作物区。①

至到上个世纪，居住在上述几个地区的华人，还是有不少人互相拥有亲友关系，同姓者也可能追溯祖上源自同村的 族谱，迄今是彭雪两地许多老人家的童年回忆。

① Bujong Bin Adil.,op.cit,hlm.pp.191-205.

根据记录尚可追溯，在1870年代上半叶，正当霹雳和雪兰莪发 生内战，一直到两邦内战结束后的1875年，彭亨的立卑（Lipis）河 畔，槟绒（Penjom）作为河畔的港口聚落，也是市集中心，以水路 密切连接着日赖金矿与锡矿区，却是在和平中迎接自己的发展；河 边整排店屋后头保持着的老残水井，是专供大众打水“冲凉”，当 地领主也是住在这个华人为主的矿镇，方便处理日常公务。①

但是， 随着彭亨人参与雪兰莪战争获得胜利，彭亨统治者回到本境政治， 也得应付各地领主在战后的实力演变，处理内部势力的相互矛盾， 所以更有必要权威凌驾各路领主，贯彻王权。1875 年前后，不论北根或是各地贵族领主，相互间屡有矛盾，不仅仅是权力暗斗，有时 也会兵戎相见，北根也曾一再爆发讨伐立卑和日赖的武装冲突。②

这 亦是上文提及Huge Clifford在1887年遇上的历史背景，领主为了自 己底下的民众，也是邻居兼税户，向他诉苦了。每逢地方政治角 力，当地华人甲必丹当然也会陷身困扰。 另一方面，彭亨除了各级华人甲必丹，其实还委托过新加坡华人作为王室代表，斡旋英殖事务。

彭亨统治者Ahmad昔日失意时， 曾经主动流亡新加坡，结交了不少老相识；自他在 1863 年掌握大 权，他也不时致函新加坡英属海峡殖民地总督，解释彭亨立场，以防止英方介入干涉。所以，从文献可知，彭亨统治者决定介入雪兰莪内战，固然需要境内华人甲必丹维护境内经济收入和社会秩序， 可是统治者境外也有亲自委任的华人代表，协助处理对外交涉，主要是对英交涉。

如此看来，当时应是本有预计，以为后人将会本土世代相传，年年清明扫墓。再说，郑昌俊的墓碑和神主，都是把“甲必丹”首字写成“呷咇丹”字。不论在闽南、广府、潮州方言，以“呷”字音译“甲必丹”原文，都不可能对称马来文称呼“Kapitan”的第一和第二个音节；只有根据客家话的语音唸这个字，特别是按照海陆腔，才会音调异常接近。

由此可以推论郑昌俊墓碑和神主都是以客家话书写。 而参照现代汉语拼音，粤语 “孺”的发音应作“yu”，粤东各地客家话则多唸作“Yi”；而按海陆腔，以民初“注音符号”注解海陆腔如何把“孺”唸“Yi”，其声母“ㄖ”是带有擦音的龈后音，韵母则是单韵母“I”，正如现在台海两岸客音教材也可以为据的， “孺”和“姨”在海陆腔是同样发音。

以华南客家人常在墓碑和神 主尊称已故妇人“孺人”，此处之前也有黄学科甲必丹夫人称“孺人”，可见此地相沿祖先旧俗。但彭亨本邦自1857年以后便遭遇超过二十年内战和对外作战，内部大量人口流失；因此，若承认彭亨华人屡经战乱，文化水平备受干扰，也可以考虑后来的墓碑会把夫人称呼为“姨人”，恰恰可能关乎识字能力高低。这反过来也算一项证据，反映隶属惠州府的海陆丰先民自18世纪以来便有许多人在当地终老，战乱期间也有许多人是一直留在当地生活。

图5：郑昌俊甲必丹一夫双妻合葬碑

总的来说，以这些出土墓碑对照现在彭亨北根华人社会面貌， 可见19世纪以前的彭亨华人基本源自潮语系和客语系。文西阿都拉 发现当地华人都是“客家”，应当是他在北根遇见的华人，祖先多源自惠潮语盛行区；其中有些人虽然源自潮语系，但生活在半山客同胞之间，也会说些矿区同行的半山客语。

这样并不矛盾于现在北根的地方社会印象，认为北根自二战以前即是潮语为主，甚至居民会把北根唤作“小潮州”。①因为这个印象，不离 19 世纪中叶汕头开港以来的变化，即彭亨华人本以潮惠先民为主，历代长期接引亲戚南下的结果，也会影响当地社会流行的潮客语方言。

彭亨的客家人，自18世纪末以来更密集迁徙往北部矿区；而北根却继续是统治者的行政中枢，也是联系华南各地的港口商贸地带，王城街上当然也会流行主要经济群体在矿区的方言。可是开商铺的群体和采矿的群体，不见得籍贯相同。一旦北根与汕头交通方便，更可能会改变市内华人人口构造。

①拿督陈延明口述，电话访谈于2020年11月21日。


到了刘崇汉《独立前北根华人简史》，提到独立前北根华人居民多属潮州人，已经是说：“潮州人及其他籍贯的 华人之进出口生意范围包括树桐、米粮、树胶等，华人也开设板厂 及收购土产等。”①

另外，自1860年，彭亨华人生活遭遇最大变化，其实不见得是源于汕头开港后，潮汕到当地落户经营各种生意的人口愈多，造成 潮语在王城周遭逐渐势强。更重要是，彭亨全境在接下去将近三十年，历经动乱和政经变异，变成人口凋零，出走者众。 自敦阿里在1857年病逝，其长子Mutahir早在父亲年老时已有摄政姿态，在附属北根的甘崇（Ganchong）地区代父行政。

而 Mutahir继任亡父位子后，更觉实力在握，并没有按照父亲1856年5 月立下的遗书，把关丹和兴楼（Endau）两处领地分封给弟弟 Ahmad。这导致双方追随者差点敦阿里的在葬礼场合剑拔弩张。这之后，Ahmad于西历7月到新加坡邻近各处招兵买马，引起新加坡 英殖民政府关注，也给了对方涉入彭亨内政的机会。英殖政府一再 阻扰Ahmad企图联系和发动支持者，并知会彭亨统治者各种相关消息。②

可是，后来Ahmad离开新加坡，北上登加楼结集支持者，就不是英殖能阻止的。他还获得登加楼国主的承诺，发令其王国底下甘马挽的各路土侯助战。Ahmad在该年11月率领甘马挽船队南下， 很快就和彭亨境内义军会师，以历时五日五夜攻陷北根华人村；而甘马挽部队为了鼓舞士气和报复抵抗，允许将士在北根抢掠敌人七 天七夜，连带彭亨各路起义王侯也得于分羹，以增加财富酬劳义 军，之后部队方才整顿离开北根，再向甘崇（Ganchong）进军。③ Ahmad在1857年一度占领北根，也是暂时的，不久因战事不顺而撤退。

英殖一再插手阻止Ahmad的外援，柔佛则派出武义士（Bugis）民系战士支持原政权，并且从霹雳王国雇佣米南加保 （Minangkabau）战士对付叛军；这使得Ahmad 屡次企图举事，屡次都不顺利，发生许多转折，一直到1863年5月方才重新入主北根。此前，华人看来都得继续服从原来的统治者，才能继续维系中国大陆、柔佛和英属新加坡等地的贸易往来，也年年继续维持亲友出入本境，来往大陆。

① 刘崇汉：《独立前北根华人简史》，收录在刘崇汉主编：《彭亨华族史资料汇编》， 关丹：彭亨华团联合会，1992年，第141页。

② Linehan, W.,op.cit., pp.66-68.

③ Kalthum Jeran(ed.),,op.cit.,hlm.13.


《彭亨纪年》有一段记载是说，当甘马挽、 关丹和日赖等地联合部队在1863年攻陷北根的华人村，那时北根的华人都很害怕，态度就像他们平日遇到灾难祈求大伯公的时候，诚惶诚恐，主动把各种布料和食物奉献给入城的军事教长和义军将士，也有的人在现场请求饶命；而所有新政权的教长和将官则是一致同意，既已攻城成功，是应该既不杀人也不充公财产，宽赦所有华人。①