馬來西亞-台灣墾友這次遊走丹南的活動獲得楊偉明賢達的熱血贊助，並獲得丹南留台同學會、丹南雅寄楊氏福利會、丹南客家公會和鄔華忠先生的招待。

墾友們有幸與丹南留台同學會主席兼丹南客家公會主席黃泰明甲必丹，丹南雅寄楊氏福利會主席楊理忠、秘書楊永青、崇正中學董事長张天仕、副董事長張英才諸領導共進晚餐。

《愛墾網》老編陳明發博士藉此機會到丹南崇正中學發表《丹南的文化創意潛能》專題演說，和王彩珍校長、老師以及高三同學們交流；陳博士同時訪問了丹南資深社團領導楊繼求前校長，聆聽他敘說丹南客家公會和雅寄楊氏福利會的歷史。

陳博士也有幸聆聽蘇少基前丹南火車站站長的鐵道故事。

陳明發博士的訪談乃配合“愛墾網”—台師大聯合文化研究計劃而展開，有關內容將陸續發表在“愛墾網”。

23～26.7行程記錄如下：

視察亞庇—淡布南—丹南舊路途中的金峰休息站，因為丹南—金馬利—亞庇新路的落成而敗落的境況；

欣賞淡布南農家稻田風光；

到淡布南Kampung Tibabar向抗英英雄Mat Salleh紀念碑致敬；

到淡布南Kampung Solibog 欣賞音樂石（Batu  Gong）；

到根地咬向在二戰時犧牲的中華民國卓還來領事和四同難紀念碑致敬；

到根地咬縣議會前的馬來西亞成立時豎立的“宣誓石”（Batu Sumbah）致敬；

視察沙巴鐵道原最後一站（1971年停止服務）的文那納鄉鎮；

上Perkasa酒店座落處的山崗欣賞黃昏中的丹南；

到發財咖啡度假屋所在的山崗下鐵道旁木屋區攝影，敦慕斯達華鐵橋就在不遠處；

參觀不時有打廣告、但一直被傳言"很破落"的丹南農業公園；

參觀丹南市區張威明先生的老米較；

乘坐丹南至Halogilat的老式火車，沿著巴達士河畔與巴達士峡谷行走，欣賞河水、激流、高山叢林與險峻石壁；

參觀丹南博物館；

參觀裕和咖啡廠；

赴丹南往金馬旺方向開車約一個小時的Ulu Tomani之Bekuku村落，再爬陡險山路約40分鐘去參觀神秘的Lumuyu巨石圖騰雕刻；

回程走金馬利公路，在離開根地咬16公里的克拉克山脈的休息站茶座，享受大霧中的寒涼氣候。

沙巴名攝影家劉富威說的：一條路，15景。

陳明發《本地人認同感》（下）

這位朋友責備這些媒體人

“加油加醋都懶的處理”

好像現在的很多餐館

賣的已經不是熱鍋現煮的菜餚

而是來自中央廚房事前做好的

微波爐食物

友人過去訂報紙

原來不是為了看新聞

而是細細欣賞副刊的高手來稿

現在連副刊也看不下去了

總覺得缺乏富有個性的原創內容

內容是王

是老生常談了

但還是個很管用的事實

友人說

當他想動手創作什麼新內容

而有關故事他自己還不是很清楚

最好的辦法

就是找到能講好這故事的人

當面的聆聽，交流，交會

自己有所感動

新內容才可能感動人

是啊，人與人面對面心連心的接觸

措辭用字、語氣聲調、肢體語言、臉部表情

都是觸發我們五官六識

達到洞察、領會的秘徑

那絕不是從其他地方草率挖料

所可能享受到的福分

更不是在社交媒體留言欄

按幾個表情符號，時尚言語

就可能有所啟示

說故事

講難不是難

除了啞巴，誰不會張口說話？

說容易也不是容易

說什麼故事，怎樣把它說好

計較起來，有一定的“技術含量”

小時候讀王子深入古堡屠龍

把公主救出來；後來做學問

才領悟到，這對故事人的含義很深

這社會到處有故事

沒有方法的話

人生就給時間這頭恐龍給吞噬了

（所以有“神偷歲月”的說法

寶貴時光都給繁瑣的歲月偷光了）

美好的故事（公主）也會消失於

九曲十八彎的古堡裡

幸而

這門藝術

人人可學

現在開始

還不算太晚

#重新敘述古老故事

陳明發《本地人認同感》（上）

有些人相信

就只因為他/她們是在地人

他/她們對當地的故事

理所當然的比別人更清楚

你要當真問他/她一些事

得到的答案偏偏是：

“我記得蔡瀾說過

我記得阿賢說過

你沒看過《我來自新村》嗎”.......

我很好奇

蔡瀾、阿賢或

《我來自新村》電視系列製作人

為何是那麼多地方的“當地人”

有的時候，得到的

又恰好是相反的說法：

“這些媒體人只來了半天

懂得什麼？

弄點皮毛就要替我們講故事？”

我也很好奇

媒體人訪談的不都是當地人嗎？

當地人理直氣壯什麼都比外人清楚

為何給媒體的東西

不比“皮毛”更有血有肉有靈魂？

當然事情也不是那麼的沒希望

我就見過一些夠熱血的在地人

有能力深入探討：

這地方在上世紀初是什麼情況？

那華校或會館大禮堂紀念的是誰？

我們祖上是在怎樣的情形下落腳此處？

墾荒時期有哪些值得一說再說的往事？

我們小時候有些什麼娛樂消遣？

這兒的蔬果為何就是特別鮮甜？

幾間神廟香火為何特別旺盛？

等等，等等....

(還可以自行填寫

10萬誰；10萬個什麼；10萬個哪裡

10萬個幾時；10萬個為什麼

10個如何；10萬個“後來”、“結果”......)

要探討，就是因為自己搞不清

所以去讀書刊，收集與整理資料

在網路上拋個開頭

讓網友來補充、添加、修正、豐富

再找適當的人做訪談

也找有不同說法的人做訪談

勤思考、寫作、找人分享與指正

沒有一步可以省功夫

千萬不能像有位友好所批評的

眼下的許多媒體人

上司給個什麼題目

他/她就只懂得上網去

或鑽一下資料室

或打個電話口頭問問

挖點材料就塗塗改改

做點粗製濫造的加工業

(下續)

延續閱讀 》德國遊：歴史之旅

旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構（續）

(二) 新竹巡迴與本館星光場次

為推廣閱讀，今年秋季經典系列講座將以「旅行方程式：經典遊記的想像與建構」為主題，其中本館於8月27日至10月29日於國際會議廳舉辦六場講座。另外，為使相關主題貼近當代，結合科技與人文，本館與科林研發公司特邀請徐仁修先生以「亞馬遜河探險之旅」為主題，於105年9月23日假新竹園區管理局大禮堂巡迴舉辦星光講座。徐老師為國內生態保育運動前輩，在他那充滿愛、冒險與勇氣的道路上，引領無數青年朋友與長者投入關懷臺灣土地的行列，本次活動亦吸引不少聽眾專程由臺灣各地前往新竹聆聽，讓演講現場氣氛爆棚，座無虛席。短短兩個小時演講讓人意猶未盡，思緒仍停留在老師話語中的熱帶雨林。新竹巡迴舉辦星光講座徐仁修先生主講：「亞馬遜河探險之旅」


由於秋季「旅行方程式」系列講座廣受佳評。本館另特邀請詹宏志先生於10月14日晚上19時假本館國際會議廳舉辦星光講座，講題為：「旅行與讀書以及路途上的餐桌」。本次演講不同於周六舉行以古典與近代遊記為主軸的風格，在週末的的夜晚，詹宏志先生從他個人旅行、職涯談起，演講全程充滿異國佳餚的想像、試驗與文化體驗回饋，讓閱讀不只是純粹的思維活動，也構成探索世界的一把鑰匙。而在旅行的過程中，他開始關注到不僅各地食物與物種的關聯性，連語言也透過食物、食材等日常生活傳播影響語彙的旅行。 由於在旅行途中經歷無數餐桌的緣故，在本次演講中詹先生也預告他思索也許可以寫一本書，就叫做《環遊世界八十碟》(Around the World in 80 Dishes) 。最後，詹先生也為讀者推薦歐洲作家蕾絲莉．白蘭琪(Lesley Blanch, 1904-2007) 的著作。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）（延續閱讀）

第四場於105年9月24日舉行，邀國立臺灣師範大學國文學系陳室如副教授主講「晚清海外遊記的物質文化」。前一場優遊於明代文人文青旅行之後，本周陳老師則繼續帶領聽眾，將視野擴大到晚清時期的知識分子海外遊蹤。從鎖國到門戶開放後，包括駐外使臣、隨員紛紛報導自身經驗，反映出傳統文人知識框架與新事物的碰撞。

為了讓聽眾更瞭解當時遊記的視角，老師也從飲食、服飾，這人生最基本兩大切身需求，觀察何以文人在驚嘆之餘會將自身心態轉化為自嘲「今歐美人一飲一啄，醰醰有味，皆我國之所貽，用以報鐵路、輪線、電線之功，交相酬報，不為薄矣。」抑或者以光怪陸離不可逼視，迴避知識上詮釋的困境與轉變。

第五場演講，邀請到鄭仰恩教授蒞館主講：「歐風遠颺，近代基督長老教會傳教士的臺灣之旅」。鄭教授為台灣基督長老教會史重要研究學者，享譽國際。本次演講，除了揭露出不少針對田野調查與歷史圖片與文獻影像，還將聽眾視野由前一場的晚清知識分子的外國經驗，移轉到19世紀後半至20世紀初的臺灣，從一個對「外國蕃」不友善的時代和處境，思考長老教會的傳教士與信徒試圖展現出「焚而不燬」的信仰精神。

演講過程對於幾位重要傳教士之行誼與事蹟，如數家珍，生動而清楚的描述。這些傳教士受到近代「蘇格蘭啟蒙運動」(Scottish Enlightenment)及「福音奮興運動」(Evangelical Revivals)的雙重影響（前者開啟「現代性」的世界觀，後者賦予「海外宣教」的熱誠），早期來台的長老教會宣教師開展出一種帶有「啟蒙宣教」特質的工作，主要通過醫療、教育、文字媒體/母語、社會服務、自然/文史研究的方式。儘管就整體而言，宣教師在遊記與日記描述中，依稀可見仍其帶著「家長式」的優越感，對非西方社會及文化存著偏見。最後在臺灣旅行，讓宣教師們願意調整自我，被土地和人民所轉化！國家圖書館秋季經典導讀系列講座周六場次最後一場，105年10月29日邀請到國立臺灣師範大學臺灣語文學系林淑慧教授，主講「脈絡的意義：臺灣遊記時空之旅」。活動並由曾淑賢館長主持。

林老師著作等身，她長期致力於臺灣文獻的收集與整理，本次演講不僅展現她近年來學術研究豐富成果，同時也透過思維的陳述，清楚的勾勒出學者如何梳理史料、運用人類學、社會學、歷史學、數位人文等方法，觀察近代臺灣遊記之發展結構與脈絡。從遊記閱讀，到閱讀遊記，構思不同的解讀文獻方式。林老師並無私與讀者分享各類探索遊記題材的媒體，包括報紙、雜誌、明信片，甚至是官方宣傳品，使讀者體認：儘管「我們無法搭乘時光機回到過去，也難以走遍海角天涯；但藉由旅遊與空間文本，得以穿越時空親近旅人追尋幸福的軌跡，覓得屬於自己的幸福！」也從各時代臺灣遊記文學，離與返的不斷對話，吸引讀者與學界持續關注。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）

續上各場次主講者與講題如下(一)本館周六場次首場講座由國立師範大學歷史系教授兼文學院長陳登武教授擔任主講，講題為「山林與仕宦之間-唐代士人的旅遊書寫」。陳院長長期關注唐代法制史研究，發現文獻中官員遭「貶謫」其間所書寫的內容，不僅反映官員懷才不遇和懷念帝都長安的情懷，期待能夠重返帝國的政治、經濟、社會、文化的核心長安任職，他們行旅各地或遊覽名勝，或借景抒懷，每每透露各種深刻而值得觀察的心情與思想，遂而創作諸多「旅遊」書寫的名篇，並流傳千古。為了讓聽眾能更了解唐人書寫的角度，演講中從臺灣80年代以前流行音樂，如「田莊兄哥」、「孤女的願望」、「鹿港小鎮」、「向前行」，強調其反映時代問題與旅行心情的抒發與寄託。演講脈絡再就著名士人李白、杜甫、柳宗元、劉禹錫、白居易等人所面臨的生命困境，和他們因而所留下來的旅遊書寫文字，分析和討論他們的內心世界、生命態度和處世原則。

第二場邀請到對於明代散文與中國元林文學研究具有豐富研究的國立臺灣大學中國文學系教授曹淑娟老師，主講「晚明園林志的想像與建構」。 透過曹老師溫柔而豐富的演講內容，介紹中國古典園林的發展、晚明文人造園的自我實現，並以祁彪佳、汪汝謙、錢謙益、張岱等人的相關著作為個案，分別鋪陳出文人將生命與園林結合，以及以山光景色重構對前朝文化的記憶。

不僅讓民眾注意到祁彪佳之《寓山注》的價值與作者如何在家國巨變下，建構開山之祖，也解答祁氏殉國之內在意涵。老師也特別強調閱讀古人文本，也應注意書寫當下的體驗，讓內在的自我與擁有與世界連貫性的途徑。 

二、系列講座

本館近五年來於秋季舉辦「閱讀古人生活美學 」、「千古風流人物蘇東坡」、「唐宋八大家」、「杜甫夢李白」、「抒情與寫意：古典戲曲裡的愛戀與盟約」、「格物窮理—古代經典中的科學與醫學」等講座活動，頗受好評。本年度亦與科林研發公司邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊

記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。各場次主講者與講題如下

(一)本館周六場次

首場講座由國立師範大學歷史系教授兼文學院長陳登武教授擔任主講，講題為「山林與仕宦之間-唐代士人的旅遊書寫」。陳院長長期關注唐代法制史研究，發現文獻中官員遭「貶謫」其間所書寫的內容，不僅反映官員懷才不遇和懷念帝都長安的情懷，期待能夠重返帝國的政治、經濟、社會、文化的核心長安任職，他們行旅各地或遊覽名勝，或借景抒懷，每每透露各種 深刻而與擁有與世界連貫性的途徑。

第三場邀請到中央研究院近代史研究所研究員巫仁恕教授主講「明清士大夫的旅遊風與遊記書寫」。本次演講巫教授主要由文化史層面切入，不僅就古人如何旅遊、明清旅遊設施、明清士大夫的旅遊風尚、士大夫的旅遊實踐、士大夫的遊記書寫、旅遊地景的建構等議題介紹。透過介紹明人文集與典範研究的質疑，跳脫古人書寫的限制，直探古人如何建構、想像，梳理遊記中顯現的旅遊現象。巫師認教授認為旅遊文化是明清士大夫文化重要的一環，在探討明清旅遊文化時，更不能歸避士大夫在塑造旅遊文化方面的作用。明清士大夫旅遊風氣雖然有興衰起伏，但是一直都是士大夫們的重要活動。筆者利用明清士大夫的日記，來呈現明清士大夫日常生活中的旅遊實態，說明當時的主流是短距離的淺游。而且士大夫的旅遊顯示出重視舒適性與娛樂化的傾向，同時士大夫的旅遊活動也具有社交的功能。接著將討論明清士大夫旅遊文化的建構與變遷。除了介紹明清士大夫創作的旅遊相關文本之外，透過遊記內容分析，呈現明清士大夫遊記論述與書寫的變遷。這樣的變化背後，反映了士大夫意識到身份競爭的焦慮，並藉改變書寫策略來彰顯身分。末尾探討旅遊地景如何透過文化形式的再現。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）

（續上）

(二)古人旅遊方程式—中國古代文人自明代自嘉靖（1522-1566）中期以後，社會旅遊風氣漸盛。對文人而言，旅遊不只是一種空間的移動，還代表著融入「以性靈遊，以軀命遊」群體價值觀。根據《千頃堂書目》所載晚明時期遊記書目與作者，總計有五十七位作者，六十五部作品。大部分作品所描述的內容，多屬「淺遊」，像徐霞客那樣以長程冒險的「壯遊」，實非主流。到了萬曆年間（1573-1620），從文人日記、遊記可以觀察到他們頻繁地出遊。旅遊已兼具休閒娛樂及社交功能，當時甚至已有類似今日旅行團包套的「套裝旅遊」，即將旅遊活動商品化。

明代文人受到社群出遊風氣的影響，往往藉覽天下之名，規畫出遊，但實際上受制於經濟能力，對於典籍上所載眾多景點，多半只能桌遊。根據巫仁恕、狄雅斯（Imma Di Biase）《遊道——明清旅遊文化》的研究，明人出遊內容之豐富，與當時西方相較，有過之而無不及。特別是與旅行、旅遊相關的設備逐漸商品化，包括美酒佳餚、游船肩輿、旅遊導覽、遊伴相隨，皆讓旅途可以更舒適、更盡興。士大夫更是明清旅遊文化興盛的一大推手，旅遊也成為明清士大夫文化的重要一環。

地點的選擇與參考指南：明代坊刻本已經出現類似今日旅遊手冊的出品，如(明) 高應科摘略田汝成所撰，《西湖遊覽志》，改編為《西湖志摘粹補遺奚囊便覽》，並邀請11位名人背書推薦。另外，在旅遊路線方面如徽商黃汴所編《天下水陸路程》，在各路程後面附有景點簡介，顯示這類書籍已兼具觀光旅遊手冊功能。
古代文人出遊交通工具包括馬、驢、牛、兜子(輕便轎子)、筍輿(竹編輕便轎子)、烏蓬船、竹筏，甚至是酒舫、畫舫等兼具娛樂功能之交通工具。有時夜間旅行為了防止意外，如程敏政(1445-1499)〈夜渡兩關記〉曾描述返家經山路時還要攜帶銅鑼與火把，做為緊急狀況時前呼後應通知。(三)晚清域外遊記自中英鴉片戰爭開千古未有之變局以後，繼之1868年蒲安臣（Anson Burlingame，1820-1870）率團出訪外國，中國開始出現大量域外遊記。這些書籍的作者包括駐外使節、留學生、商人、旅行家，如李鳳苞《使德日記》、王韜《漫遊隨錄》、張德彝《四述奇》。1881年王錫祺(1865-1913)編印《小方壺齋叢鈔》叢書，此叢書後於1891年再擴充篇幅，更名為《小方壺齋輿地叢鈔》，全套共收錄1500餘種地理著述，內容豐富，保存了許多珍貴資料與遊記文獻。至1900年以後，甚至連革命黨、政治異議份子，也運用海外見聞所得，刊印心得，用以取法作為改革與革命的宣傳管道。明代文人淺遊時所帶物品，依經濟狀況不一，但多半在提盒內放入茶具、酒杯、筷子等；提爐用來煮茶；備具匣多用來裝文房四寶，以及酒尊用來裝酒具。如果出遊的地方文人不多，那麼書籍似乎也不必多帶。如在旅館沒有特別消遣，未攜書籍，文人還會攜帶各類戲具，如骨牌，時一拈弄，足以消遣。至於遠行壯遊，連被單也在行李。明末，旅宿業為了方便旅客，還發展出書畫古玩暫寄服務，讓文人可以「一肩行李，倒也爽快」。陸樹聲，〈九山散樵傳〉曾提到某位辭官隱居的山人出遊的裝扮：「御野服，執塵尾」，帶著書籍與家僕，出游近郊，入佛廬精舍，徘徊忘去。每到一處就攜茶灶，拾墮薪，汲泉煮茗，與文友相過從，以詩筆自娛。此正是當時部分文人出遊的寫照。

二、系列講座

本館近五年來於秋季舉辦「閱讀古人生活美學 」、「千古風流人物蘇東坡」、「唐宋八大家」、「杜甫夢李白」、「抒情與寫意：古典戲曲裡的愛戀與盟約」、「格物窮理—古代經典中的科學與醫學」等講座活動，頗受好評。本年度亦與科林研發公司邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）（下續）

(二)古人旅遊方程式—中國古代文人自明代自嘉靖（1522-1566）中期以後，社會旅遊風氣漸盛。對文人而言，旅遊不只是一種空間的移動，還代表著融入「以性靈遊，以軀命遊」群體價值觀。根據《千頃堂書目》所載晚明時期遊記書目與作者，總計有五十七位作者，六十五部作品。大部分作品所描述的內容，多屬「淺遊」，像徐霞客那樣以長程冒險的「壯遊」，實非主流。到了萬曆年間（1573-1620），從文人日記、遊記可以觀察到他們頻繁地出遊。旅遊已兼具休閒娛樂及社交功能，當時甚至已有類似今日旅行團包套的「套裝旅遊」，即將旅遊活動商品化。

明代文人受到社群出遊風氣的影響，往往藉覽天下之名，規畫出遊，但實際上受制於經濟能力，對於典籍上所載眾多景點，多半只能桌遊。

根據巫仁恕、狄雅斯（Imma Di Biase）《遊道——明清旅遊文化》的研究，明人出遊內容之豐富，與當時西方相較，有過之而無不及。特別是與旅行、旅遊相關的設備逐漸商品化，包括美酒佳餚、游船肩輿、旅遊導覽、遊伴相隨，皆讓旅途可以更舒適、更盡興。士大夫更是明清旅遊文化興盛的一大推手，旅遊也成為明清士大夫文化的重要一環。

地點的選擇與參考指南：明代坊刻本已經出現類似今日旅遊手冊的出品，如(明) 高應科摘略田汝成所撰，《西湖遊覽志》，改編為《西湖志摘粹補遺奚囊便覽》，並邀請11位名人背書推薦。另外，在旅遊路線方面如徽商黃汴所編《天下水陸路程》，在各路程後面附有景點簡介，顯示這類書籍已兼具觀光旅遊手冊功能。



今年適逢《徐霞客遊記》自清乾隆四十一年（1775年）正式刊印二百四十周年紀念，為讓大眾欣賞國家圖書館相關古籍典藏，國圖特自館藏文獻中挑選具有代表之文獻與圖像四十餘種。

展覽自105年6月1日起至12月31日。另外，為推廣中文古籍經典閱讀，今年秋季經典系列講座亦以「旅行方程式：經典遊記的想像與建構」為主題，於8月27日至10月29日舉辦八場講座，邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。

一、館藏古籍展覽

東亞文化圈早在《詩經》年代(西元前十一世紀至前六世紀)，已有人類出遊記錄，如「鶴鳴於九皋，聲聞於野」。至孔子周遊列國，則又將旅行與出遊融入「遊必有方」的教育信念。所謂「父母在，不遠遊，遊必有方」，大抵透露出遊行為與儒家價值觀的高度互動性。

早期中文典籍紀錄出遊主要集中在帝王與士大夫階層，如創作於戰國時期，記周穆王巡遊事《穆天子傳》、最早的遊記文學創作-屈原《離騷》。漢唐時代以後，部分士人或因擔任地方官員，或參軍佐幕，甚至是流放邊疆，寫作不只是單純記錄風土，也成為書寫個人記憶與想像時代的媒體，如柳宗元撰《永州八記》，於是各類遊記與雜記大量出現。宋元以後，隨著社會經濟脤動，加上科舉所帶來的壓力，士人雅慕嶽遊，一覽山水之勝，逐漸成為風尚。至明代以後士人旅遊風氣更為蓬勃，凡遇佳山水必遊，遊必有詠歌。其中《徐霞客遊記》其成就不僅記錄明代經濟生活蓬勃，也彰顯遊記體裁的多樣風貌。這些風雅朝士緩步尋幽、野徑蒐奇，遐想策足所留下的遊記與雜記，不僅提供後世瞭解古代地方文化的第一手資料包括風俗習慣、生態環境、經濟民生，甚至軍事國防範疇。

為使民眾認識展覽古籍及其所代表之文化內涵，展覽主題區分為以下五項：徐霞客遊記、經典遊記、明代遊記、旅遊文化、域外與臺灣遊記。以下即介紹本次展覽具有代表性之書籍：

(一)古今遊記之最：《徐霞客遊記》徐霞客（1587-1641），名弘祖(後世因避清高宗弘曆諱，改為宏祖），字振之，號霞客，明南直隸江陰（今江蘇江陰市）人。為5百年來中國最重要旅行家、探險家、地理學者及遊記作家。他從22歲自江陰出遊開始，33年之間遊歷了中國19個省區，足跡遍及半個中國大陸，並寫下日記體裁遊記。徐氏去世前託塾師季夢良整理原稿，後由季氏與王忠紉編輯成書稿。然因時局動盪，文稿散失。清初徐氏後人曾收集殘存的抄本並增補部分內容再編輯成書稿，此為「李介立本」，被譽為「諸祖之本」。康熙四十八年（1709）江陰人楊名時（1661-1737）從劉開南處得《徐霞客遊記》，翌年又自友人處得令一抄本，遂進行互校。《四庫全書》所收即楊名時重加編訂。

乾隆年間，江陰人陳泓又對《徐霞客遊記》李寄、楊名時等諸多版本進行校讎。乾隆四十一年（1776），徐鎮根據「李介立本」將《徐霞客遊記》刊刻成書，正式出版。

旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構

今年(2016)適逢《徐霞客遊記》自清乾隆四十一年（1775年）正式刊印二百四十周年紀念，為讓大眾欣賞國家圖書館相關古籍典藏，國圖特自館藏文獻中挑選具有代表之文獻與圖像四十餘種。

展覽自105年6月1日起至12月31日。另外，為推廣中文古籍經典閱讀，今年秋季經典系列講座亦以「旅行方程式：經典遊記的想像與建構」為主題，於8月27日至10月29日舉辦八場講座，邀請到相關領域重要研究者與作家，分別為讀者導讀介紹隋唐、明清時期遊記、外國人眼中的臺灣之旅，以及臺灣人環遊世界觀、旅行與閱讀，飽覽經典中的文化形象視角。

一、館藏古籍展覽

東亞文化圈早在《詩經》年代(西元前十一世紀至前六世紀)，已有人類出遊記錄，如「鶴鳴於九皋，聲聞於野」。至孔子周遊列國，則又將旅行與出遊融入「遊必有方」的教育信念。所謂「父母在，不遠遊，遊必有方」，大抵透露出遊行為與儒家價值觀的高度互動性。

早期中文典籍紀錄出遊主要集中在帝王與士大夫階層，如創作於戰國時期，記周穆王巡遊事《穆天子傳》、最早的遊記文學創作-屈原《離騷》。漢唐時代以後，部分士人或因擔任地方官員，或參軍佐幕，甚至是流放邊疆，寫作不只是單純記錄風土，也成為書寫個人記憶與想像時代的媒體，如柳宗元撰《永州八記》，於是各類遊記與雜記大量出現。宋元以後，隨著社會經濟脤動，加上科舉所帶來的壓力，士人雅慕嶽遊，一覽山水之勝，逐漸成為風尚。至明代以後士人旅遊風氣更為蓬勃，凡遇佳山水必遊，遊必有詠歌。其中《徐霞客遊記》其成就不僅記錄明代經濟生活蓬勃，也彰顯遊記體裁的多樣風貌。這些風雅朝士緩步尋幽、野徑蒐奇，遐想策足所留下的遊記與雜記，不僅提供後世瞭解古代地方文化的第一手資料包括風俗習慣、生態環境、經濟民生，甚至軍事國防範疇。

為使民眾認識展覽古籍及其所代表之文化內涵，展覽主題區分為以下五項：徐霞客遊記、經典遊記、明代遊記、旅遊文化、域外與臺灣遊記。以下即介紹本次展覽具有代表性之書籍：


(一) 古今遊記之最：《徐霞客遊記》徐霞客（1587-1641），名弘祖(後世因避清高宗弘曆諱，改為宏祖），字振之，號霞客，明南直隸江陰（今江蘇江陰市）人。為5百年來中國最重要旅行家、探險家、地理學者及遊記作家。

他從22歲自江陰出遊開始，33年之間遊歷了中國19個省區，足跡遍及半個中國大陸，並寫下日記體裁遊記。徐氏去世前託塾師季夢良整理原稿，後由季氏與王忠紉編輯成書稿。然因時局動盪，文稿散失。清初徐氏後人曾收集殘存的抄本並增補部分內容再編輯成書稿，此為「李介立本」，被譽為「諸祖之本」。康熙四十八年（1709）江陰人楊名時（1661-1737）從劉開南處得《徐霞客遊記》，翌年又自友人處得令一抄本，遂進行互校。《四庫全書》所收即楊名時重加編訂。

乾隆年間，江陰人陳泓又對《徐霞客遊記》李寄、楊名時等諸多版本進行校讎。乾隆四十一年（1776），徐鎮根據「李介立本」將《徐霞客遊記》刊刻成書，正式出版。（黃文德 國家圖書館特藏文獻組編輯「旅行方程式—經典遊記的想像與建構」系列活動策劃與執行 BIBLID 1026-7220（2016）105:4 p 1-7）（下續）

(Con't) Erik Cohen, Authenticity & Commodization in Tourism Conclusion
This analysis leads to a conclusion which is, in the main, the opposite of that deduced from the basic assumptions prevalent in much of the contemporary literature on tourism, as presented at the beginning of this paper. Commoditization does not necessarily destroy the meaning of cultural products, neither for the locals nor for the tourists, although it may do so under certain cottons.

Tourist-oriented products frequently acquire new meanings fah the locals, as they become a diacritical mark of their ethnic or cultural identity, a vehicle of self-representation before an external public. However, old meanings do not thereby necessarily disappear, but Tay remain salient, on a different level, for an internal public, despite commoditization — as the case of Balinese ritual performances exemplifies.

Neither does commoditization necessarily destroy the meaning of cultural products for the tourists, since these are frequently prepared to accept such a product, even if transformed through commoditization, as "authentic," insofar as some at least of its traits are perceived as "authentic." Such traits can then be taken to authenticate, metonymically, the product as a whole. The breadth of such authentic traits necessary to satisfy the tourist will, in turn, depend on the depth of the touristic experience to which each individual tourist aspires. Since most rank-and-file tourists do not aspire to much depth, a few traits of a cultural product which appear "authentic" will in most cases suffice for its acceptance as an "authentic" product.

Hence, mass tourism does not succeed because it is a colossal deception, but because most tourists entertain concepts of "authenticity" which are much looser than those entertained by intellectuals and experts, such as curators and anthropologists. Indeed, for many tourists, tourism is a form of play (Cohen 1985), which like all play, has profound roots in reality, but for the success of which a great deal of make-believe, on part of both performers and audience, is necessary. They willingly, even if often unconsciously, participate playfully in a game of "as if," pretending that a contrived product is authentic, even if deep down they are not convinced of its authenticity.


This re-examination of some of the assumptions prevalent in the tourism literature has some important implications for the study of the social and cultural impacts of tourism. In particular, rather than assuming the destructive impact of commoditization on the authenticity and meaning of cultural products, such impact should be submitted to a detailed empirical examination, if possible within an emic, processual, and comparative framework (Cohen 1979b:31-32). Such an approach will make it possible to gauge over time the permutations of meaning and authenticity as perceived by locals and tourists alike; it will also make it possible to determine the conditions under which cultural meanings are preserved or newly emergent, and distinguish them from those under which they are practically destroyed through the impact of tourism.

Such an examination will, in turn, forge the intellectual instruments necessary for the formulation of a prudent policy approach to tourism, as both a branch of economic development and as a major cultural manifestation of the modern world, which will avoid the extremes of a total condemnation of tourism as well as of its uncritical approbation. (Erik Cohen, 1988, Authenticity & Commodization in Tourism, Annals of Burtsm &march, Vol. 15, pp. 371-386, 1988)

(Con't) There is no reason to assume that their music lost all meaning for them, merely because they have been paid for performing it. It would be absurd to argue that all popular music is meaningless for the artists merely because it is commercialized. Greenwood appears to have assumed that the immediate negative reaction of the local population to the commoditization of the Alarde will become its permanent attitude to the festival. This assumption, however, contradicts an implication of his own later insight regarding "emergent authenticity," cited above. For, just as a new cultural product can become with time widely accepted as "authentic," so it can, although changed through commoditization, acquire a new meaning for its producers. Thus, what used to be a religiously meaningful ritual for an internal public, may become a culturally significant self-representation before an external public. Moreover, the two kinds of meanings are not necessarily mutually exclusive but could be additive: new meanings may be added to old ones, which persevere into the new situation. According to McKean (1976:241-3), Balinese ritual performances have three separate audiences, a divine, a local, and a touristic. :This last one does not necessarily spoil the meaning of the performance for the two others)"The touristic audience is appreciated for the economic assets it can bring . . . but its presence has not diminished the importance of performing competently for the other two audiences, the villagers and the divine realm" (1976:244). Moreover, if Balinese performances are staged specifically for tourists, " . . the funds, as well as the increased skills and equipment available have enriched the possibility that the indigenous performances will be done with more elegance, in effect conserving culture" (1976:244).

One has to bear in mind that commoditization often hits a culture not when it is flourishing, but when it is actually already in decline, owing to the impingement of outside forces preceding tourism. Under such circumstances, the emergence of a tourist market frequently facilitates the preservation of a cultural tradition which would otherwise perish. It enables its bearers to maintain a meaningful local or ethnic identity which they might otherwise have lost.   his is particularly the case in the sphere of folk arts and crafts, many o ich are in decline in Third World countries owing to the penetration o  industrial goods and Western consumer tastes— but some of which ha e been salvaged or revived through demand by the tourist market/ (cf. Graburn ed. 1976). Finally, even where a cultural tradition still flourishes, its cornmoditization may well be emically perceived by its members as less of a change than it appears to an external an . While to the external observer, commoditization may appear to involve a complete transformation of meaning as a cultural product s being reoriented to a new, external audience. In many situations of commoditization, the performers themselves do not necessarily perceive that such a transformation had in fact occurred. Rather, despite the changed context, they may perceive an often astonishing degree of continuity between the old and the new situation. Thus, performers of tourist-oriented Voodoo shows in Haiti, do still go into a trance (Goldberg 1983:488); and tourist-oriented prostitutes in Bangkok bring many traditional attitudes towards Thai men into their relationships with tourists (Cohen,  in press a). Local people frequently interpret novel situations in traditional terms, and thus perceive a continuity of cultural meaning which may escape the observer (cf. Smith 1982). 

(Con't) It is generally the case that "Dealings with strangers . . . provide contexts for the commoditization of things that are otherwise protected from commoditization" (Appadurai 1986:15). Tourists in the modern world are particularly ubiquitous types of strangers, notorious for their propensity to precipitate, directly or indirectly, the commoditization of an ever wider range of things (and activities), many of which have been kept out of the domain of the market prior to the penetration of tourism, by rigorous normative prohibitions and taboos.

According to Greenwood (1977), who made one of the first studies of commoditization of culture through tourism, the commoditized cultural products lose in the process their intrinsic meaning and significance for the local people, who in turn lose their enthusiasm for producing them. Thus, Greenwood argues, as the public ritual of the Alarde in the Spanish-Basque town of Fuenterrabia became a major touristic attraction, and the authorities declared that it should be performed twice on the same day to accommodate the large number of visitors, the local participants lost interest in it. Consequently, " . . . the municipal government was considering payments to people for their participation in the Alarde? . . . just as the gypsies are paid to dance and the symphony orchestra is paid to make music. The ritual has become a performance for money. The meaning is gone" (Greenwood 1977:135). In other words, the once "authentic" public ritual became a staged performance, a cultural "commodity."

Such processes of commoditization of culture for touristic purposes are doubtlessly quite common all over the Third World and in the ethnic areas of both Western and Communist countries. Rituals, ceremonies, costumes, and folk arts may all be subjected to commoditization. Moreover, since the process is frequently initiated by culture brokers and touristic entrepreneurs from outside the local community, it may well lead to the exploitation of the locals and of their cultural resources by outsiders. Finally, the process of commoditization also tends to affect the cultural products themselves. As they become increasingly oriented to an "external public," rituals may be shortened, embellished, or otherwise adopted to the tastes of the tourists (cf. Boorstin 1964:103). Art and craft products may also be changed in form, materials, or colors (cf. Cohen 1983), " . . . in response to the impositions or temptations from large-scale and sometimes far-away consumers" (Appadurai 1986:47) such as in the case of "indirect tourism" (Aspelin 1977). Indeed, the emerging genre of "tourist arts" (Appadurai 1986:47; Cohen 1983; Graburn ed. 1976) is perhaps the most salient example of the commoditization of a range of cultural products through tourism.

All these developments and sometimes radical changes in the form and content of the commoditized goods and services notwithstanding, however, Greenwood's categorical assertion that, once a cultural product is commoditized "the meaning is gone," appears to be an over-
generalization. Counter-examples may be easily found. For example, folk musicians, who play for money Iv an external audience, may be excited by the opportunity to present-their art and proud to display their competence.

One further point, closely related to the concept of "emergent authenticity" ought to be noted. The new, "external public" (Graburn 1976a; Shiloah and Cohen 1983:237) provided by the tourists, may offer an opportunity to the producers of cultural products to incorporate in them novel but "authentic" messages, differing from those incorporated in cultural products intended solely for the "internal" local or ethnic public. Thus, Silver (1979) claims to have detected such messages hidden in the apparently exaggerated, "exotic" features of commercialized African sculptures. This author also found such messages explicitly  stated  in  the  commercialized  figurative embroideries of Hmong (Meo) refugees from Laos (Cohen 1982b:41; Forthcoming). The Hmong from whose "traditional" arts fi   rative represent#tions were absent, nostalgically depict in these embroideries the richness of their traditional customs to the world at large, a as seek to  r w its attention to their sufferings in recent history and to  heir present dire predicament. Such messages thus become new cul ural exp  ssions, which are recognized as "authentic" even by experts such as anthropologists or ethnographers interested in cultural change.

COMMODITIZATION

"Commoditization" is a process by which things (and activities) come to be evaluated primarily in terms of their exchange value, in a context of trade, thereby becoming goods (and services); developed exchange systems in which the exchange value of things (and activities) is stated in terms of prices form a market. Though trade systems and gift systems were apparently even in the past less unequivocally segregated than previously claimed, markets have expanded throughout the world in the modern era, bringinA,about the commoditization of an ever wider range of things and actin ties (cf. Appadurai 1986). The principal question in ,this context is, what happens to the other meanings (particularly religious, cultural, and social) of things (and activities) once they become commoditized, particularly under the impact of tourism.

Emergent Authenticity

Since authenticity is not a primitive given, but negotiable, one has to allow for the possibility of its gradual emergence in the eyes of visitors to the host culture. In other words, a cultural product, or a trait thereof, which is at one point generally judged sa contrived or inauthentic may, in the course of time, become generally recognised as authentic, even by experts, as Cornet's (1975:54) equivocation quoted above demonstrates. Thus, for example, an apparently contrived, tourist-oriented festival (such as the Raymi Festival Cuzco, a "revival" of an ancient Incaic custom) may in due time accepted as an "authentic" local custom. Similarly, craft products only produced merely for sale to visitors and tourists, may eventually become "authentic" products of an ethnic group or region — as happened with, for example, the Eskimo soapstone carvings (Graburn 1976b) or the Haida argillite carvings (Kaufmann 1976). Greenwood (1982:27) remarked that "all viable cultures are in the process of 'making themselves up' all the time." One could call this process "emergent authenticity," just as a parallel process in the ethnic realm was termed "emergent ethnicity" (Yancey et al 1976).

"Emergent authenticity" stresses one aspect or refers to one manifestation, of the wider phenomenon of "invention of tradition," whose ubiquitousness has been so impressively documented in Hobsbawm and Ranger's (1983) volume. In principle it is possible for any new-(angled gimmick, which at one point appeared to be nothing but a staged "tourist trap," to become over time, and under appropriate conditions, widely recognized as an "authentic" manifestation of local culture.

One can learn about this process of gradual "authentication" from the manner in which the American Disneylands, once seen as the supreme example of contrived popular entertainment-, became over time a vital component of contemporary American culture (e.g., Johnson 1981; King 1981). They will, no doubt, in the future be perceived even by historians and ethnographers, as an "authentic" American tradition (cf. Moore 1980).

(Con't) The vast majority of tourists do not demand such a "total authenticity!" Even "experiential" tourist , though seriously concerned with the authenticity of their experience, entertaining strict criteria for judgments of authenticity, will often fo us in such judgments on some traits of the cultural product and, disregard others. Hence, they will be prepared to accept a cultural *duct as authentic, insofar as traits, which they consider to be diacritical, are judged by them to be authentic. These traits are then considered sufficient for the authentization of the product as a whole. One could say that they symbolize metonymically the authenticity of the tourist-oriented cultural product as a whole. °Therefore, such tourists will accept a commercialized object as "authentic," insofar as they are convinced that it is indeed ornamented with "traditional" designs and "hand made" by members of an ethnic group (even though it may have been made of different materials or, in a different form than the "traditional" product and was produced expressly for the market). They may similarly accept as "authentic" a commercialized replication of local customs, such as a dance or a ritual, in so far as it is performed identically by members of the local group, as is its non-commercialized counterpart. A recent

study by Moscardo and Pearce (1986) provides some empirical evidence on this point. They have studied visitors perceptions of Australian historic theme parks. Since such parks "preserve or restore some aspects of a nation's or a region's heritage" (1986:471), they are almost by definition not "authentic" in Mac Cannell's sense. However, the visitors generally did perceive them as "authentic"— in the sense of being accurate reconstructions of Australia's past (1986:474-6), rather than genuine historical remains. Contrary to the authors' claim (1986:472), park operators— and some tourists— appear thus to be using the word "authenticity" differently from social scientists. However, the point of this. argument is that by accepting a particular trait of the site, namely "verissimilitude," as authenticating the site as a whole, the tourists become neither superficial fools satisfied with the spurious, in Boorstin's (1964) sense, nor victims of a prevaricating touristic establishment which "stages" authenticity in Mac Cannell's (1973) sense.

Recreational tourists, whose concern with authenticity is relatively low, may well accept even a substantially staged product and experience as "authentic." This would not be necessarily because they have been misled by the staging, but because even the faintest vestige of, or resemblance to what experts would consider an "authentic" trait of the product, may suffice for them to play the make-believe game of having an "authentic" experience. Therefore, such tourists may playfully consent to buy fake products or experiences as if they were genuine, merely because their resemblance to the genuine thing gives these tourists an inkling of authenticity. The recreation which Gottlieb's (1982) tourists derive from being a "King for a Day" or a "Peasant for a Day," one may argue, derives from their feeling "how it must have been to be a king (or a peasant)"; even though they are perfectly aware of the fact that their own, purchased experience has been staged for their benefit.

Finally, diversionary tourists may enjoy touristic products even if these are, in their own view, completely contrived, insofar as they appeal to them merely as "funny," "cute," or "lovely." A good example of such a product is a pair of embracing monkeys with sun-glasses, made of coconut shells, which are sold in touristic destinations all over southern Thailand, but are totally unrelated to any aspect of local Thai culture, except perhaps that monkeys serve as coconut-pickers in that part of Thailand.

(Con't) In the view of some experts on ethnic art (e.g., Willett 1976), authenticity and falseness are not a dichotomous pair of concepts. Rather, there exists a continuum leading from complete authenticity, through various stages of partial authenticity, to complete falseness. The question therefore arises: Which are the diacritical traits which, for a given individual, in particular a tourist, Make a cultural product acceptable as "authentic"? The question here is not whether the individual does or does not "really" have an authentic experience in Mac Cannell's (1973) sense, -but rather what endows his experience with authenticity in his own view. Thus one can follow Gottlieb's approach: she " . . . assumes that the vacationers' own feelings and views about vacations are 'authentic,' whether or not the observer judges them to match the host culture" (Gottlieb 1982: 168). However, while Gottlieb does not make any further inquiries into the bases of tourists' feelings and views, it is proposed here to open these to investigation. According to the approach developed above, tourists will differ in the number and kinds of traits necessary to their mind to authentic cultural product.

As the preceding section notes, for tourist professional expert, only a cultural product which appear authentic in all of its varied aspects, would be acceptable as "authentic." This may also be the case with deeply concerned tourists. Thus, on one of the trekking lips in which this author participated in the course of his study of the penetration of tourism into the hill-tribe area of northern Thailand, a French tourist, a teacher by profession, complained about the fact that the people in a tribal village, which had been opened to tourism only a few weeks earlier, used industrially produced plastic cups instead of indigenously produced bamboo cups. The mere adoption of plastic cups, although unrelated to the penetration of tourism, already offended his sense of cultural authenticity.

While this kind of tourist often serves as the prototype of the ideal tourist, he is, statistically speaking, a minority among the huge population of contemporary mass tourism. Such a demand for "total authenticity" will be most prominent among "existentia," or "experimental" tourists, seriously concerned with the Other, as/at least a potential elective center.

（con't）Tourism typically involves some encounter with the "Other." Theteeper the experience sought by the tourist, the more strongly, will he tend to embrace this "Other," and to turn it into his "elective center." But, since the salience of that Other-turned-Center thereby increases for the tourist, his concern with its authenticity will grow proportionately. This, in turn, will induce the tourist to adopt stricter criteria for the judgement of authenticity than do those tourists for whom the experience is less salient. It follows that"existential" tourists (Cohen 1979a:189-192), who tend spiritually to abandon modernity and embrace the Other as their elective center and, as it were, "switch worlds" (Berger and Luckmann 1966:144), or "go native" (Redfoot 1984:299 ff) will be the most "purist" of tourists. They will strive to move furthest away from the beaten track and to get in most closely with the natives (e.g., Blakeway 1980; Schneebaum1970). In that, they resemble the anthropologist, curator, and ethnog-rapher. However, unlike the latter, they do not take up the attitude of subjective detachment (Redfoot 1984:299) to the cultural products they encounter. While their experience may thus be fuller and more sponta-neous, they also lack the professional attitude and critical capacity necessary to determine whether the traits by which they determine the "authenticity" of an object or an attraction are genuine or false. Hence they will more easily fall prey to sophisticated forms of covertly "staged authenticity" (MacCannell 1973). Here, the locals or the tourist estab-lishment "stage" precisely those aspects of the cultural product which serve the existential tourists as marks of authenticity, according to their own, strict criteria. Indeed, authenticity-eager tourists like Holland-er's (1981) "political pilgrims," may tend to idealize the destination, and thus eagerly embrace as genuine the very prevarications with which they are served. This kind of staging is particularly insidious, because it acts upon the profound will to believe of serious tourists, and not on the make-believe attitude of the more frivolous ones. The disenchant-ment of such existential tourists may therefore be particularly bitter (cf. Cohen 1979a:196).The further one moves down the scale of modes of touristic experi-ences, the less strict the criteria of authenticity employed by the tourist will tend to become. The criteria of "experimental" tourists who experi-ment with various potential elective centers (Cohen 1979a:189) will still resemble those of existential tourists. "Experiential" tourists (Cohen 1979a:186-8), who seek to participate vicariously in the authentic life of others, will also tend to employ fairly strict criteria of authenticity, close to those of "existential" tourists. However, "recreational" tourists (Cohen 1979a:183-5), who seek in the Other mainly enjoyable restora-tion and recuperation, and hence tend to approach the cultural prod-ucts encountered on their trip with a playful attitude of make-believe (Cohen 1985), will entertain much broader criteria of authenticity. Indeed, they might well be prepared playfully to accept a cultural product as authentic, for the sake of the experience, even though "deep down" they are not convinced of its authenticity (Cohen 1985:295: cf. also Goldberg 1983:485). Hence, a less ingenuous "staging of authen-ticity" will be sufficient to make this kind of tourist accept a product as authentic— though their conviction of its authenticity will also-be less deep than that of "existential" tourists. Finally, "diversionary" tourists (Cohen 1979a:185-6) who seek mere diversion and oblivion on their trip, will remain totally in equanimity and unconcerned with the prob-lem of authenticity of their experiences.

(con't) Anthropologists, like curators and ethnographers, even if para-Anthropologists, like curators and ethnographers, even if paradigmatic of the modern tourist, appear to entertain more rigorous criteria of authenticity than do ordinary members of the/traveling pub-lic. They belong to the wider category of modern, alienated intellectu-als— indeed, their alienation from modernity often induces them to choose their respective professions.Alienation may well be a structural consequence of the pluralization of modern life-worlds and the "weightlessness" of modern institutions (Berger 1973; Berger et al 1973). However not all moderns are personal-?ly equally alienated or aware of their alienation. Those who continue to identify unreflectively with one or another of the centers of modernity such as the work-ethic or the ethos of material and occupational achievement, are personally less alienated than those who are not so identified. Those who are disposed to reflect upon their life-situation are more aware of their alienation than those who do not tend to such contemplation.Intellectuals, here exemplified by curators, ethnographers, and an-thropologists, will be generally more alienated, and more aware of their alienation, than the rank-and-file middle-classes, and especially the lower middle class, who still strive to attain the material gains which those beyond them already enjoy.Alienation and the qUest for authenticity, however, appear to be positively related (cf. Cohen 1979a:181-2). It follows that intellectuals and other more alienated individuals will engage on a more serious quest of authenticity than most rank-and-file members of society. It is hypothesized further that, the greater their concern for authenticity, the stricter will be the criteria by which they conceive of it. Less alienated and hence less concerned individuals, including most rank-and-file tourists, will be content with much wider, less strict criteria of authen-ticity. This was probably meant by Nettekoven (1973) when he argued that "tourists are not ethnologists" and by Desai (1974:3), when he observed 'that the tourist is not a "stickler for authenticity."However, though most tourists may not seek "'authentic' experiences in any ethnographic sense," Goldberg.(1983:486) cautions that "neither are they content with mere entertainment " Tourists indeed ap-pear to seek authenticity in varying degrees of intensity, depending on the degree of their alienation from modernity. 1Following the preceding analysis, it can be argued that they will also c nceive "authenticity" in different degrees of strictness. In other words,  ndividuals who are less concerned with the authenticity of their tourist'  e .eriences, will be more prepared to accept as "authentic" a cultural pro uct or attraction which more concerned tourists, applying stricter cr), eria, will reject as "contrived."This argument can be restated in terms of the author's earlier typology of "modes of touristic experience" (Cohen 1979a; In Pressb) in which five types. of such modes were proposed, according to the depth of experience the individual seeks in tourism. 

（Con't）One of the paradoxes of the progressive professionalization of curators of primitive and ethnic art in the world's museums has been that a growing number of objects were declared to be "fakes," not because any new information had been discovered on the objects themselves, but rather because the connotation of the concept of fakery had been gradually extended. "Purist" curators and art historians tended to conceive of authenticity in primitive and ethnic art in ever more rigorous terms. Thus, McLeod, the director of the Museum of Mankind and an expert of African art, defined "genuine" (i.e., authentic) African art as" . . . any piece made from traditional materials by a native craftsman for acquisition and use by members of local society (though not necessarily by members of his own group) that is made and used with no thought that it ultimately may be disposed of for gain to Europeans or other aliens" (McLeod 1976:31).

Another author, also discussing African art, declared as authentic "Any object created for a traditional purpose and by a traditional artist . . . ," but only if it " . . . conforms to traditional forms" (Cornet 1975:52, 55; emphases in the original). Like McLeod, Cornet also argues that, in order to be acceptable as authentic, the product should not be manufactured "specifically for the market" (1975:52).

Both authors hence emphasize the absence of commoditization as a crucial consideration in judgments of authenticity. It is noteworthy that Cornet proposes his definition despite his observation that there are cases where " . . . fakes [i.e., inauthentic objects] have become authen-
tic" (197.5:54), and cites as example objects produced by African artisans, in the past, for European patrons.

Such strict attitude  to authenticity, while in one sense professional, reflect in another the general modern preoccupation with authenticity which, indeed, appears to have contributed to the growing rigour of professional attitudes. Authenticity, for curators and ethnographers, is principally a quality of pre-modern life, and of cultural products produced prior to the penetration of modern Western influences: hence the common emphasis on cultural products which were "hand made" from "natural" materials. This emphasis obviously reflects the alienation of modern man from artificial and machine-made products. "The machine . . . could  make  only  inauthentic things,  dead  things . . " (Trilling 1972:127). The same is essentially true for those anthropologists who, in quest of an "ethnographic present," seek to recapture the society and culture of the people whom they study as these had been before the "contaminating" c9ntact with the Western world.

Here too, scientific consensus mingles with the more personal, modern quest for the "pristine" and "authentic." Curators, ethnographers, and anthropologists thus constitute the most fitting prototypes of Mac Cannell's tourist who seek authenticity in other times and other places. Redfoot (1984:299-301), indeed, classifies anthropologists as "third-order tourists" who, according to Levi-Strauss, " . . . reject the artifices in their own culture and seek an alternative reality in 'quest"; once there, however, they (unlike Redfoot's "fourth-order tourists") " . . . refrain from "going native" (1984:300). The anthropologist, thus " . . . digs deeper [than other tourists] in a quest for authenticity . . . " though, his quest " . . . is doomed to failure because of the subjective distancing from the 'primitive' built into the anthropologist's role" (1984:301).(Erik Cohen, 1988, Authenticity & Commodization in Tourism, Annals of Burtsm &march, Vol. 15, pp. 371-386, 1988)

（con't）Since modern society is inauthentic, those modern seekers who desire to overcome the opposition between their authenticity-seeking self and society have to look elsewhere for authentic life. The quest for authenticity thus becomes a prominent motif of modern tourism, as MacCannell (1973, 1976) so incisively showed. However, here is also found the source of the confusion which the unexplicated use of this term introduced into tourism studies. In Mac Cannell's writings, as indeed in those of the researchers who followed his line of analysis (e.g., Redfoot 1984), the "quest for authenticity" is a "primitive" concept, which is at best illustrated, but left undefined. However, one appears to understand intuitively what is meant by it. It is a quest for that unity between the self and societal institutions, which endowed pre-modern existence with "reality" (Berger 1973:85). The alienated modern tourist in quest of authenticity hence looks for the pristine, the primitive, the natural, that which is as yet untouched by modernity. He hopes to find it in other times and other places (MacCannell 1976:160), since it is absent from his own world.

The difficulty with this use of the concept of "authenticity" in tourism studies is that it is a philosophical concept which has been uncritically introduced into sociological analysis. Furthermore, in tourism studies, the concept is used to characterize a criterion of evaluation used by the modern tourist as observer. The question, whether the "tourees" observed by the tourist at all possess such a concept, and if so, which traits of their own culture they consider to be "authentic" is rarely, if ever raised. Finally, the social analyst is tacitly assumed to understand the tourist's quest for "authenticity" because both belong to the modern world; they both appear to conceive of "authenticity" in similar, unproblematic terms. "Authenticity" thus takes up a given or "objective" quality attributable by moderns to the world "out there." The only apparent difference between the tourist and the social analyst is that the latter is more circumspect than the former. He is therefore assumed tb-)be able to penetrate beyond appearances, and discover the deception of "staged authenticity" (MacCannell 1973) perpetrated by the tourees, or the tourist establishment. The unsuspecting tourist, who is less sophisticated and knowledgeable than the analyst, is assumed to be taken in by such prevarications. It then follows that, if the tourist had the analyst's debunking knowledge, he would reject the "staged authenticity" of the

sights as contrived and lacking in authenticity. MacCannell and others who adopted his conceptual framework did not raise the possibility that the tourist and social analyst may conceive of authenticity in different terms.

In contrast to MacCannell, it is suggested that "authenticity" is a socially constructed concept and its social (as against philosophical) connotation is, therefore, not given, but "negotiable." The manner of the negotiation of its meaning should hence ?e made a major topic in the sociological and anthropological study of tourism. Several specific issues have to be distinguished.

Differential Conceptions of Authenticity                           

According to Trilling (197    •93) the provenance of the word "authenticity" " . . . is in the museuih, where persons expert in such matters test whether objects of art [and by extension, ethnographic objects] are what they appear to be or are claimed to be, and therefore . . . worth the admiration they are being given." The approah to "authenticity" current until recently among cutators and ethno  aphers will hence help to clarify the socially constructed nature of the concept. 

（Con't）Three, "staged authenticity" is said to thwart the tourist's genuine desire for authentic experiences. MacCannell (1973:597) argued that "Touristic consciousness is motivated by the desire for authentic experiences, and the tourist may believe that he is moving in that direction . . . " However, it is often the case that " . . . what is taken to be entry into a back region is really entry into a front region that has been totally set up in advance [i.e., has been staged] for touristic visitation." According to MacCannell (1973:593), the tourist, in his desire for authentic experience, is the Modern embodiment of the religious pilgrim. Tourism thus appears to become a modern surrogate for religion (MacCannell 1973:589; cf. also Cohen In Press b.). However, it is implicit in Mac Cannell's analysis that there is no salvation in tourism: the tourist establishment dominates the tourist industry, and by misleading tourists to accept contrived attractions as "authentic," creates a "false touristic consciousness." A fully developed mass tourist system surrounds the tourist with a staged tourist space, from which there is "no exit." The modern tourist-pilgrim is thus damned to inauthenticity: "Tourists make brave sorties out from their hotels hoping, perhaps, for an authentic experience, but their paths can be traced in advance over small increments of what is for them increasingly apparent authenticity proffered by [staged] tourist settings. Adventurous tourists progress eorn stage to stage, always in the public eye, and greeted everywhere by their obliging hosts" (MacCannell 1973:602).

It follows from these assumptions that commoditization, engendered by tourism, allegedly destroys not only the meaning of cultural products for the locals but, paradoxically, also for the tourists.  It thus emerges that, the more tourism flourishes, the more it allegedly becomes a colossal deception. These assumptions are highly persuasive and appealing to both sociologists and critics of modern society. But the conclusion seems far-fetched and hard to accept; unless, of course, one adopts a view of modern society as completely absurd and dominated by sinister powers, so that its members are surreptitiously misled to believe that they have genuinely authentic experiences, while in fact being systematically debarred from having them. However, before one goes to that extreme, it would be prudent to examine critically the above assumptions, in order to reach perhaps some more realistic conclusions.

AUTHENTICITY

"Authenticity" is an eminently modern value (cf. Appadurai 1986:45 Berger, 1973; Trilling 1972), whose emergence is closely related to the impact of modernity upon the unity of social existence. As institutions become, in Nietzsche's words, "weightless" and lose their reality (Berger 1973:86; Trilling 1972:138), the individual is said to turn into himself. "If nothing on 'the outside' can be relied upon to give weight to the individual's sense of reality, he is left no option but to burrow into himself in search of the real. Whatever this ens realissimurn m y then turn out to be, it must necessarily be in opposition to any extern al [modern] social formation. The opposition between self and society has now reached its maximum. The concept of authenticity is one way of articu-
lating this experience" (Berger 1973:88).

Modern man is thus seen, from the perspective of a contemporary existential philosophical anthropology, as a being in quest of authenticity. 

Erik Cohen is the George S. Wise Professor of Sociology (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 91905, Israel). He has done sociological and anthropological research in Israel and Peru and a series of studies on tourism, urban life, Christianity, and social change in Thailand.

INTRODUCTION： Much of the contemporary literature on the nature of modern tour-ism and its impact upon host societies relies on several important assumptions. In a most general way, these assumptions can be formulated as follows:First, tourism is said to lead to "commoditization" (Greenwood, 1977) of areas in the life of a community which prior to its penetration by tourism have been within the domain of economic relations regulated by criteria of market exchange (cf. Appadurai 1986). Local culture generally serves as the principal example of such commoditization.

In particular, "colorful" local costumes and customs, rituals and feasts, and folk and ethnic arts become touristic services or commodities, as they come to be performed or produced for touristic consumption. Sexual services, in the form of tourist-oriented prostitution, are another major example of commoditization. The critical issue is that corn-moditization allegedly changes the meaning of cultural products and of human relations, making them eventually meaningless: "We already know from world-wide experience that local culture . . . is altered and often destroyed by the treatment of it as a touristic attraction. It is made meaningless to the people who once believed in it . . . ",(Green-wood 1977:131). Furthermore, according to the same sourq, since local culture can be commoditized by anyone, without the consent of the participants (1977:137), it can be expropriated, and the local people exploited.

Second, commoditization is said to destroy the authenticity of local cultural products and human relations; instead a surrogate, covert "staged authenticity" (MacCannell 1973) emerges. As cultural products lose their meaning for the locals, and as the need to present the tourist with ever more spectacular, exotic and titillating attractions grows (Boorstin 1964:103),  contrived  cultural  products  are  increasingly "staged" for tourists and decorated so as to look authentic. Fake "airport art" (Graburn 1967) is sold to tourists as if it were a genuine cultural product. Above all, tourists, who are apparently permitted to penetrate beyond the "front" areas of the visited society into its "back" (MacCannell 1973:597-8), are in fact cheated. Such b ck regions are frequently inauthentic "false backs," insidiously staged  or tourist consumption. Thus, for example, localities may be staged a  being remote, or "non-touristic," in order to induce tourists to "discover' em (MacCannell 1973:594); and native inhabitants of "exotic" places, re taught to "play the native" in order to appear "authentic" to the/tourists (cf. Cohen 1982a:19-21).

Erik Cohen·AUTHENTICITY AND COMMODITIZATION IN TOURISM

Abstract: Three basic assumptions, common in the literature on tourism, regarding "commodi-tization," "staged authenticity," and the inability of tourists to have authentic experiences are re-examined. Authenticity is conceived as a negotiable rather than primitive concept, the rigor of its definition by subjects depending on the mode of their aspired touristic experience. New cultural developments may also acquire the patina of authenticity over time— a process designated at "emergent authenticity." It is also argued that commoditization does not necessarily destroy the meaning of cultural products, although it may change it or add new meanings to old ones.

Conclusions contrary to the deductions following from the above assumptions are spelled out, and a new approach to the study of authenticity and meaning in tourism, which could help the formulation of a more discerning tourism policy, is advocated. Keywords: authenticity, commoditization, cultural tourism, tourist experience, tour-ism policy, tourist arts and crafts. （See next column）

（Con't）On the other hand, Gitelson and Crompton [1984] categorized repeat visitors into three subgroups: infrequent, frequent, and very frequent, however they did not specify the frequency of visits for each group. Oppermann [1999] discussed a conceptual typology as a function of multiple visits, based on a New Zealand resident data: somewhat loyal (infrequent), loyal (regular), and very loyal (annual and biannual); and further extended this typology to cover the entire population by introducing four other traveler types: non-purchasers, disillusioned, unstable, and disloyal.

According to Jones and Sasser [1995], in non-competitive markets, satisfaction has little impact on loyalty as the customers are captive customers without having choice. On the other hand, in competitive markets, there is great difference between the loyalty of “satisfied” and “completely satisfied” customers. Totally satisfied customers are more likely to repurchase products than merely satisfied customers [Jones and Sasser 1995: 129].

The Effect of Word-of Mouth Communication on Repurchase Intention: Word-of-communication is a powerful force on consumer behaviour in tourism. In tourism research, loyalty has been measured using two main indicators: willingness to recommend or word-of-mouth, and likelihood of return [Bigne’ et al. 2001, Chen and Gursoy 2001, Baloglu et al. 2003, Petrick 2004: 157]. Word-of-communication is defined by Anderson [1998] as informal communication between private parties concerning evaluations of goods and services. It is likely that satisfied visitors will come back and will tell others about their favourable or unfavourable experiences [Kozak 2001: 169]. Ashworth and Goodall [1988] observed that if a tourist is dissatisfied they will not recommend the destination to others. Word-of-mouth has more significant impact on tourist perceptions than other forms of mass communication since, it is the most effective communication for the tourism industry. When making purchase decision for services, consumers generally rely more heavily on verbal messages [Davis, Guiltman and Jones, 1979: 147]. According to Bateson [1995], consumers believe that personal sources provide the most adequate and up-to-date information. Moreover, word-of-mouth techniques are perceived as more credible and less biased [Lovelock 1991: 152]. Payne [1993] also suggested that dissatisfied customers tell more than two times as many people about their poor experiences than those who are satisfied.

CONCLUSIONS

Word-of-mouth communication behavior of customers is positively affected by high service quality [Bone 1992, Helm 2000, Harrison-Walker 2001: 136]. Positive word-of-mouth communication will attract new customers and, hence, lead to higher revenues. Therefore customer satisfaction is central for realizing profits. Moreover, extremely dissatisfied customers are even more likely to engage in word-of-mouth than satisfied customers [Anderson 1998, Harrison-Walker 2001: 114]. Negative word-of-mouth will probably lead to lower customer loyalty and negative consequences for the attraction of new customers. Past research further revealed that customer loyalty is positively related to word-of-mouth communication [Zeithaml et al. 1996, Harrison-Walker 2001: 133]. Not only loyal customers are satisfied with the service but also they feel attached to the service provider.

(TYPOLOGY OF TOURISTS AND THEIR SATISFACTION LEVEL，by Dr Renata Grzywacz，Dr Patrycja Żegleń，Wydział Wychowania Fizycznego & Uniwersytet Rzeszowski Source: https://www.researchgate.net)

BIBLIOGRAPHY （Please Refer to the Original Article）

At the level of the economy as a whole and for the individual attraction, repeat visits in tourism have also been accepted as an important phenomenon [Darnell and Johnson 2001: 122]. In addition, many travel destinations rely heavily on repeat visitors [Darnell and Johnson 2001, Gitelson and Crompton 1984: 158]. Many studies in recent years have focused on the antecedents of destination revisit intention to understand why travelers make repeat visits. As a result of these studies, major antecedents of revisit intention are satisfaction, quality related constructs, perceived value, past vacation experience, safety, image, attachment, and cultural difference.

According to Oppermann [1999], time is significant in tourist retention and loyalty because “time firstly plays a role in identifying appropriate time intervals during which a purchase may or may not take place’’. Darnell and Johnson [2001] also noted the significance of temporal viewpoint to destination management, indicating, ‘‘the time profile of repeat visiting has important implications for visit flows.’’ The study of Baloğlu and Erickson [1998] also showed that most international travelers to one destination are more likely to switch to another destination for their next trip, but many of them hope to revisit the same destinations in the future. However, their explanation on revisit intentions reflects the two implicit assumptions of former rerearches [Highes 1995, Schmidhauser 1976, Woodside and MacDonald 1994: 96]: (1) revisit intention lapses over time; and (2) the strength of revisit intention tends to be constant once it is created. The first assumption which argues revisit intention lapses over time is implied by the recency-frequency-monetary value (RFM) paradigm. It is one of the essential operational principles for many loyalty building programs [Hughes 1995: 75]. According to RFM paradigm individuals who buy one’s product more recently, more frequently, and spend more money are more likely to repurchase or respond to an incentive to repurchase. Furthermore, the notion of recency indicates that recent customers tend to repurchase and that the strength of their repurchasing intention will decrease over time.

The second assumption is closely related with tourist typologies. There are two distinct tourist segments according to Woodside and MacDonald [1994]: first one is visitors returning to a destination due to familiarity and the other one is visitors not returning due to familiarity. Schmidhauser [1976] argued that there are, at least, two different types of tourists: continuous repeaters who choose the same destination over and over again and continuous switchers who do not come back even though they are satisfied with the destination in their current visit.

（Con't）Also, Jones and Sasser [1995] used the customers’ stated intent to repurchase a product as a measure of the behavioural component of loyalty. They argued that intent to repurchase is a very strong indicator of future behaviour. Assael [1995] reported on a range of studies that were conducted which supported the view that intentions could be used to predict overt behaviour. In addition, Gitelson and Crompton [1984] pointed out that although satisfaction with a particular destination appears to be a necessary condition for explaining much repeat visitation, it is not sufficient to explain the phenomenon since many respondents reported satisfactory experiences and yet did not return to the same destination.They also suggested that there were five factors that can motivate repeat visitation:

1. it reduces the risk of an unsatisfactory experience;
2. there is an assurance that they would find their ‘kind of people’;
3. an emotional childhood attachment;
4. to experience some aspects of the destination which had been omitted on a previous occasion;
5. to expose others to the satisfactory experiences that tourists had previously.

As parallel with these explanations Witt and Witt [1995] suggested why people paid repeat visit to a destination: once people have been on holiday to a particular country and liked it, they tend to return to that destination. Similarly, Oppermann [1998] argued, ‘if tourists were happy with the previous (or even the immediate past) destination choice, they may not even look for information on other destinations for their next destination selections’. These arguments suggest that previous experience with a destination may affect the intention and the actual decision to revisit it.

According to Oppermann [2000] there are various alternatives for measuring a tourist’s loyalty. First, loyalty can be measured through behaviour, by considering repeat purchasing. Secondly, it can be measured through attitude, analysing the tourist’s predisposition towards the tourism destination. Finally a composite measure is proposed, which integrates behaviour and attitude, considering that the tourist must have positive attitude and behaviour towards a destination for it to be considered true loyalty.
Loyalty is a concept related closely to customer satisfaction, and there is even a consensus that a high degree of satisfaction results in loyal customers. This makes loyalty the central concept of marketing and any discussion of it must take into account the elements involved in the process of its formation, such as customer satisfaction [Petrick and Backman 2002, Baker and Crompton 2000: 178] and brand image [Bigne’ et al. 2001: 68].
For marketing implications, the model of Fishbein and Ajzen [1975] suggests that attitudinal loyalty towards the tourism destination is directly and positively affected by the the image of the tourism destination. According to this model, a particular behaviour is determined by a single attitude. An attitude towards an object may determine different behaviours, such as the repetition of the visit, word of mouth or complaints. The attitude, in turn, is determined by beliefs, are image and satisfaction. Image and satisfaction indirectly influence behavioural loyalty through attitudinal loyalty.
The Effect of Service Quality on Customer Satisfaction and Loyalty: in tourism context there is a strong relationship between the customer satisfaction, loyalty and service quality. According to Dimanche and Havitz [1994] , quality of service is generally assumed to affect business performance and loyalty in a positive way. Hurley and Hooman [1998] point out that perception of service quality affect feelings of satisfaction, which will then affect loyalty and future buying decisions.
Service quality is linked to six performance indicators according to PIMS (Profit Impact of Marketing Strategies) database which contains information about strategy and performance on 2600 business worldwide: (1) customer loyalty, (2) repeat purchases, (3) reduced vulnerability to price wars, (4) ability to command high relative price without affecting market share, (5) lower marketing costs, and (6) market share improvements.
Some people prefer repeat visitation to the same destination, whereas others prefer to try some new place every time however, repeat purchase is crucial component for contemprary marketing in order to be successful. According to Markin [1969] prior satisfaction with a vacation destination may lead to repeat purchases. Also Cronin and Taylor [1992] suggested that customer satisfaction affected repurchase intent significantly. Reichheld and Sasser [1990] and Shoemaker and Lewis [1999] arrange the benefits of repeat purchase as (1) attracting previous customers is more cost-effective than gaining new ones; (2) 5% increase in customer retention could increase profit by 25–85%; and (3) customer retention tends to yield positive word-of-mouth referral.

When there is no explicit comparison made because of a lack of motivation and/or capability of the customers to evaluate their own choice, customers cannot be fully aware of their own satisfaction, which is called latent satisfaction.

An empirical test by Bloemer and Kasper [1995] indicated that the positive influence of manifest satisfaction on repurchase intention is greater than that of latent satisfaction, so the general idea that satisfaction has a positive relationship with repurchase intention is still valid. Similarly, many researches show that the positive relationship between satisfaction and revisit intention has been found in tourism destination choice settings.
Loyalty is also critical issue for tourism as many sectors. Rundle-Thiele and Lockshin [2000] defines loyalty as the future behaviour commitment to purchase a product or service, or the link with a provider on all occasions when other alternatives are possible. Equivalencely, customer loyalty is defined by Backman and Compton [1991] thus involves a positive attitude towards the firm’s product or service, followed by favourable behavior that leads to purchasing it and reccomending to others. Gaining the loyalty of customers today takes place in both product and services markets and is identified frequently with the retention of customers because both concepts refer to the repetition of the purchase of products or services from a single firm by customers over a prolonged period of time [Petrick 2004, Tsaur et al. 2002: 233]. Reid and Reid [1993] also pointed out the importance of customer loyalty because it is also a stable source of revenue for firms, serving at the same time as an information channel that acts informally by recommending the product or service to family and friends.
In addition, Yim and Kannan [1999] argued that the definition of loyalty should include both exclusive and reinforcing loyalties. Exclusive loyalty was further termed as hardcore loyalty, for those consumers who have been won over by a particular alternative over time. Reinforcing loyalties are potential switchers that tend to purchase more than one alternative, exhibit divided loyalties among a few alternatives, and have an increased tendency to repurchase the alternative after their initial purchase. Yim and Kannan’s study [1999] pointed out that the reinforcing loyalty was associated with variety seeking, which is similarly based on the optimum levels of stimulation [Zuckerman 1971: 66].
Enlightened by the findings of Gyte and Phelps [1989] and the reinforcing loyalty of Yim and Kannan [1999], Feng and Jang [2004] argued a trichotomous TDRI tourist segmentation with a 5-year time frame: continuous repeater (travelers with consistently high revisit intentions over time), deferred repeater (travelers with low revisit intentions in the short-term but high revisit intentions in the long- term), and continuous switcher (travelers with consistently low revisit intentions over time). Among the three segments, deferred repeaters tend to reinforce visit intentions. Thus, they are also potential switchers who tend to visit more than one destination, showing divided loyalties and displaying an increased tendency to revisit the destination after their initial visit. Therefore, focusing on the deferred repeaters, this study is based on the idea that tourists’ visit intentions vary depending on time and that the intention could be split from a temporal perspective into short-term, mid-term, and long-term revisit intentions.

The tourist satisfaction can also be affected by a positive or negative image. Previous experience must be taken into consideration because it causes tourist to have a different perception from those who have never visited it [Baloglu 2001: 45]. Since the image of the tourism destination influences the satisfaction experienced by the tourist. It has been found that the image is associated positively with consumer satisfaction in luxury hotels [Mazanec 1995: 65]. It is therefore necessary to generate studies of image and its relation to the satisfaction obtained in order to know the visitors’ intentions to return and to recommend the destination [Bigne´ et al. 2001: 145]. If the tourists are satisfied with the destination, it is difficult to affect the attraction felt for a place for holiday-making [Vogt, Andereck 2003: 126]. An aspect related to satisfaction is when an attempt is made to establish an emotional bond with tourists through the image of the destination, projecting ‘emotional satisfaction’ [Ekinci 2003: 96] and not only through the basic needs, such as food, rest or enjoyment [Chaudhary 2000, Kandampully and Suartanto 2000: 75].
Satisfaction and Revisit Intention: there is a general consensus that satisfaction brings positive behavioral outcomes and the understanding of satisfaction provides managerial guidance in the tourism industry. Oliver [1997] defined satisfaction as customer judgment about product or servicefulfillment. Similarly, Engel, Blackwell, and Miniard [1990] proposed a definition that satisfaction is the outcome of the subjective evaluation about whether or not the chosenalternative meets or exceeds the expectation.
Many theories are developed to explain satisfaction. The expectation-disconfirmation paradigm and the equity theories are two of these theories. Engel, et al. [1990] defined satisfaction as the most frequently cited one in accounting for satisfaction is expectation-disconfirmation paradigm (EDP) that suggests a comparison between expectation and performance. According to Oliver [1980], EDP suggests confirmation, positive disconfirmation, and negative disconfirmation. If service or product perceptions exactly meet expectations customers’ expectations are confirmed. When performance exceeds expectations positive disconfirmation occurs, on the other hand, if expectations exceed performance negative disconfirmation occurs. Thus, confirmation and positive disconfirmation result in satisfaction, while negative disconfirmation leads to dissatisfaction. Another theory on customer satisfaction is based on the equity theory [Oliver and Swan 1989: 100]. Satisfaction occurs when customers receive more value than what they spent in terms of price, time, and effort. According to Grewal, Monroe, and Krishnan [1998], perceived value is ‘‘the perception of psychological satisfaction obtained from taking advantage of the financial terms of the price deal.’’ The equity theory suggests that value is an appropriate measure to evaluate satisfaction [Heskett, et al. 1994, Kumar 2002, Oliver and Swan 1989, Su 2004].
In addition to satisfaction theories, the relationship between satisfaction and repurchase intention has been explored in various product and service markets. By proposing the existence of manifest satisfaction and latent satisfaction, Bloemer and Kasper [1995] argued that the relationship between consumer satisfaction and repurchase intention is not monotonic because of the disparity of customers’ motivation and capability to evaluate the purchased product/service brand relative to the reference point. Manifest satisfaction occurs when an explicit comparison is made between expectation and performance and when the customers can be conscious of the outcome of their own evaluation and satisfaction.

Tourism products are highly risky because of their intangible characteristics. Intangibility makes it difficult to evaluate the product before purchase since tourism products are essentially produced and consumed simultaneously [Mitchell, Greatorex 1993: 147]. Tourism products are therefore assumed to be associated with a higher risk when purchasing than tangible products. In high risk situations, consumers’ need to search for external information is higher than in low-risk situations [Dowling, Staelin 1994, Beatty, Smith 1987].

Moutinho [1987] refers to five risk components for tourism services. They are:

1) functional risk-the risk that the product will not perform as expected,

2) physical risk-the risk that the product will be harmful,

3) financial risk-the risk that the product will not be worth its cost, either in time or money,

4) social risk-the risk that a poor product choice may result in embarressment before others, and

5) psychological risk-the risk that a poor product choice will harm the consumers’ ego.

In tourism context, Roehl and Fesenmaier [1992] also identified three basic dimensions of perceived risks: physical-equipment risk, vacation risk and destination risk. Tsaur, Tzeng, and Wang [1997] focused on two main types of risk: which refers to the possibility that an individual’s health is likely to be exposed to injury and sickness because of conditions such as law and order, weather and hygiene, as well as equipment risk, which refers to the dangers arising from the malfunctioning of equipment, such as insufficient telecommunication facilities, unsafe transportation and breakdown of vehicles.

Furthermore, Sönmez and Graefe [1998] examined types of risks associated with international travel and the overall degree of safety felt by the tourists. They identify several types of risk such as equipment/functional risk, financial risk, health risk, physical risk, political instability risk, psychological risk, satisfaction risk, social risk, terrorism and time risk. The results revealed that perceived risks were found to be strong predictors of the likelihood of avoiding destinations. The higher the perceived risk of the foreign destinations, the higher the likelihood that consumers will decide to avoid visiting it [Sönmez, Graefe 1998].

Tourist satisfaction is a critical issue for marketing. First of all, it should be identified the elements that influence the satisfaction experienced by the tourist. Satisfaction is the tourist’s sense that consumption provides outcomes against expectations and a standard of pleasure versus displeasure. Satisfaction has both cognitive nature and, on the other, affective nature. Oliver [1981] defines satisfaction from the cognitive perspective as a consumer’s comparison between performance and expectations. Oliver [1997, 1999] also made definition has an affective nature that ‘satisfaction is defined as pleasurable fulfilment”. In the case of tourism, satisfaction is a function of pre-travel expectations and post-travel experiences. Satisfaction has a one-dimensional construct, which varies along a continuum from dissatisfaction to satisfaction. When experiences compared to expactations results in feelings of gratification, the tourist is satisfied; when they result in feelings of displeasure, the tourist is dissatisfied [Pizam et al. 1978: 125]. Similarly, Hughes [1991] suggested that the tourists whose expectations are fulfilled by their experiences report satisfaction, on the other hand those whose expactations are not fulfilled report dissatisfaction.

However potential tourists are lost in options due to the fact that there are variety of destinations in many countries, huge number of holiday types, flexibility of travel, accomodations and timing arrangements. Tourists most possibly favour those holidays which offers the fullest realisations of their expectations between these so many choice. Chon [1990] explains decision-making process as a complex process consisting of the following stages: 1-) the recognition of needs. The tourist believes that a holiday purchase will satisfy his or her needs. The tourist has now tentatively decided to go on holiday. Now she/he must decide where to go. 2-) deciding where to go. This process involves: information searches, the evaluation of alternatives, the choice of a product and post-purchase evaluation

The decision-making process has been conceived in a variety of ways. Buying a holiday is for many individuals and families high-risk decision, the planning stage assumes a major role [Gitelson, Crompton 1983: 222]. On the contrary of retail purchases, a holiday purchase is a highly risky because there is no chance for tourists to observe directly what is being bought nor try it. Also previous experience of holiday-maker does not gurantee the future satisfaction. The degree of planning varies between different types of tourists. The planning of holiday incuding decisions whether to go and where to go generally takes place over a long time as a result of systematic process. Systematic information search of external sources is used much more frequently in making holiday and travel-related decisions to purchase most of other types of product [Gitelson, Crompton 1983: 155].

It should be emphasized the factors that lead an individual to decide on a holiday, variables that may suppress or heighten such factors, and the roles that family members or others may play in the holiday decision process [Hall and Page, 1999]. Howard and Sheth [1969] also drew attention to the infuence of socio-environmental variables, on the other hand Crompton [1993] explored the importance of imagery and marketing. Ryan [1997] has attempted to conceptualize the whole decision- making process in terms of a model of ‘the tourist experience’. In addition, a linear model of tourism decision-making process which is adapted from Wahab, Crampton and Rothfield [1976] suggested that all decision making goes through the same process and goes through the same steps.

The theory of perceived risk assumes that consumer perceive risk in their purchasing behaviour and generally they tend to utilize risk reduction strategies. Perceived risk is defined as ‘a consumer’s perception of the overall negativitiy of a course of action based upon an assessment of the possible negative outcomes and the likelihood that those outcomes will occur’ [Mowen, Minor 1998: 176]. As soon as consumers have experienced a certain level of risk, their behaviour changes, from delaying the purchase to using strategies designed to reduce the risk level to a ‘tolerable’ one [Mowen, Minor 1998, Roselius 1971].

Perceived risk also could be used in part as a variable in explaining decision-making processes of tourists [Maser, Weiermair 1998: 195]: the higher the perceived risk, the more information tourists seem to seek and the more rational the decision process becomes. Researchs supports correlation between the sensation-seeking personality trait and perceptions of risk. Some individuals, namely high sensation seekers, engage in risky experiences fort the stimulation involved in the experience [Zuckerman 1994: 98].

1. Explorer: the explorer arranges his or her trip alone, and attempts to get off the beaten track. Yet such tourists will still have recourse to comfortable tourist accomodation. However, much of their travel will be associated with a motivation to associate with the local people, and they will often speak the language of the host community. Nonetheless, the explorer retains many of the basic routines of his or own lifestyle.
2. Drifter: the drifter will shun contact with the tourist and tourist establishments, and identifiy with the host community. Drifters will live with the locals and adopt many of the practices of that community. Income is generated by working with the community, but often through low-skilled work, which creates a tendency to mix with the lower socioeconomic groups.

Cohen [1979] also summarised five modes of touristic experience: recreational, diversionary, experiental, experimental and existential.

Furthermore, Valene Smith [1977] described the demographic aspects of tourism, in several levels as:

• explorer: very limited numbers looking for discovery and involvement with local people,
• elite: special individually tailored visits to exotic places,
• off-beat: the desire to get away from the crowds,
• unusual: the visit with peculiar objectives such as physical danger or isolation,
• incipient mass: a steady flow travelling alone or in small organized groups using some shared services,
• mass: the general packaged tour market leading to tourist enclaves overseas,
• charter: mass travel to relaxion destinations which incorparate as many standardized western faclilities as possible.

Further, the author mentioned defined five destination interests and motivations: ethnic, cultural, historical, environmental and recreational.

During 1980s typologied extended and included historic types such as the Grand Tour, north-south tourism, and long-term youth and budget travel, some of which is selftesting [Riley 1988: 111]. Graburn [1983] differentiated two types of contemprory tourism, as the annual vacation or holiday break and the rites of passage tourism associated with major changes in status such as adulthood or career changes.

In decade of 1990, the importance of the links between lifestyle and consumption patterns was increasingly recognized through the construction of broader sets of typologies. Because of this, Gratton [1990], Cooper et al. [1998], Shaw and Williams [2002] and Schott [2002] have all rewieved or applied value and lifestyle typologies to understanding of tourism trends. Environmental concerns generated numerous new tourist types related to ‘appropriate’ or alternative tourism, such as ecotourists or green tourists [Smith and Eadington 1992]. Postmodernism has dominated the 1990s with renewed interests in levels of reality [Urry, 1990], concerns with levels of carrying capacity and sustainability, and types of tourist lifestyle and behaviour experiences [Mazanec et al. 1998].

Despite their limitations, tourist typology models are useful because of the fact that they highlight the broad diversity of tourists, in addition they provide an insight into the motivations of tourists and their behaviour and it is a way to segment tourists into different groups.

As a result of higher levels of disposable income, greater leisure time, improved opportunities for mobility, better education, having more sophisticated tastes and flow of information easily people’ attitudes about their holidays start to change.